HISTORY OF TABARI
VOLUME 1
General Introduction
Translator's Foreword
The Life and Works of al-Tabari
A Remark on
the Sources
His Early Life
(lanjutan)
The scholar
Even as a child, Tabari used to say in later
life, he had wanted to write a Qur'an commentary along the lines of his great
Tafsir [170.
See Irshad, VI, 429, 11. 11 f., ed. Rifai, XVIII, 62]. His scholarly
productivity, indeed, constituted an uninterrupted continuum from his early
youth to his death. Publication of his principal legal works came first and
never stopped, followed by that of his Qur'an Commentary and, finally, the
History. His primary focus was jurisprudence. Like other scholars of the time [171. The works of In
Hanbal, who was averse to publishing, included a Tafsir and a Ta'rikh (at least
according to his biographer Ibn al-Jawzi, Managib, 248 f.) In al-Nadim,
Fihrist, 229, makes no mention of a Ta'rikh.], he specialized in three fields, which had to be
mastered by every legal scholar to some degree: legal theory as such and as it
applied to legal practice, Qur'anic science, and history in the restricted sense
of a few dates of the lives of individuals. An understanding of the science of
hadith was basic to all three subjects. Tabari's contribution to all of them
was gigantic. It was his particular merit that he eventually went beyond the
religious and legal interest of his colleagues in biographical data and
expanded it into a historical work that dealt with the entire sweep of history
known to him [172.
Earlier or contemporary histories that were written by jurists are apparently
not preserved].
The central position of the law in Muslim
society required its theoreticians and practitioners to possess a certain
familiarity with most aspects of Muslim civilization . As a genius whose accomplishments
allowed viewing him as the perfect scholar, Tabari was credited with
exceptional learning in a variety of disciplines . It could easily be deduced
from his Tafsir that he was wellversed in grammar and -lexicography [173. See Irshad, VI, 437, 1. 14, ed . Rifa'i,
XVIII, 6o. Tahdhfb is mentioned there as providing additional evidence , as, in
fact , it does by its regular sections on strange words in the traditions under
discussion].
Excellence was claimed for him also in other fields of philology classified
among the Arab linguistic sciences . His personal contacts with philologists of
all descriptions were quite numerous, if much less so than his contacts with
traditionists and legal scholars. For instance, he visited the philologist Abu
Hatim al-Sijistani , possibly in those early years when he studied in al-Basrah
. He appears to have been repelled by his disregard for cleanliness [174. See above, n. 16o.] , and, in addition to a few hadiths,
he did not learn much more from him than a far-fetched etymology for his native
Tabaristan as derived from "land of the axe (Persian tabar- tabar)" so named because the early Muslim settlers
there were forced to clear the woods with axes [175. See Irshad, VI, 429, 11.5-11, ed .
Rifa'i, XVIII, 48 . The etymology is repeated with some modifications by
Sam'ani, Ansdb, 39, and Yaqut , Mu'jam, III, 503].
His interest in foreign languages deserves
notice , in particular, because it is connected with his attitude toward the
intensely debated question of the occurrence of non - Arabic words in the Qur'an.
He naturally knew Persian, even if sporadic quotation of Persian verses does not mean very much in
this respect [176.
See History, text below, 11, 193, 1494,1602, f., and von Grifnebaum,
"Bemerkung," 224; Rosenthal , Muslim Historiography2, 135, n. i]. In Tafsir, he discussed
the relationship of Persian and Arabic (I, 7) and the Ethiopic loan words ( I,
6-8). From al - Farra', he learned that fatih or fattah apparently meant "
judge" in the language of `Uman ( IX, 3, 1. 12, ad Qur. 8:89), clearly a
South Arabian (South Semitic ) term. Musa could be derived from Coptic
"water" and " tree" (moou and sei [?1) [176a . Bentley Layton
calls my attention to sen as the common Coptic word for "tree," and
to . e/e/i , meaning " wood." The word meant here may, in fact, be
gen. It would render the second part of the name of Moses according to its
Hebrew/ Aramaic form and point to a Jewish or, more likely, Christian origin of
the etymology taken over by the Qur'an commentators. The neglect of the final n
of sen may have been triggered originally by thinking of the accusative ending
of the name in Greek. See Crum, 317a (sei), 568b ( sen), and 546a (se/eli) ] (I, 222, 1. 2 , ad Qur.
2:51). He was
aware of the fanciful suggestion that tdhd is "0 man" in Nabataean/Syriac
(XVI, 102 f., ad Qur. 20:2), but he apparently rejected the (Byzantine) Greek
derivation of firdaws (XVI, 29,1. 22, ad Qur. 18:107). All this is traditional
material long at home in Qur'an commentaries [177. As are phonetic observations such as
the exchangeability of th and f I Tafsir, 1, 247, 1. 9, ad Qur. 2:61 XXX, 47,
1. 7, ad Qur. 81:11), s and z )VIII, 15 7 , 11. 8 f., ad Qur. 7:71), and k and
q )XXX, 47, 1. 5, ad Qur. 81:11).], yet, it underlines Tabari's concern with language.
He is said to have studied poetry with the
great philologist Tha'-lab (2oo-91/815161-9o4) and to have been one of his
early students. Tha'lab had a reputation for severity in his judgment of other scholars
and was considered to be a difficult person to deal with, but he called Tabari
one of the most sagacious Kufan (grammarians).
He lived to see him achieve great fame with his Tafsir [178. See Irshad, VI, 438,
11. 1-6, 439, 1. 6, ed. Rifa 'i, XVIII, 6o, 62, 1. 4. For Tha'lab, see Sezgin ,
GAS, IX, 140-2. Since Tha'lab had finished his studies already in 225 / 24o and
was by then a popular teacher (see TB, V, 205, 1. 6, 209, 1. 21), it seems
rather implausible that Tabari studied with him before he had many students]. Tabari was also acquainted
with Tha'lab's disciple, Abu 'Umar al-Zahid, known as Ghulam Tha'lab
(261-345/874(5)-957), who praised the Tafsir's accuracy in grammar and language
[179. See Irshad, VI, 439,11. 12-15 , ed. Rlfa 'i, XVIII, 62. For Ghulim
Tha'lab, see Sezgin, GAS, IX, 147 f]. While still in his youth, Tabari acquired
an expert knowledge of Arabic poetry. It stood him in good stead in Egypt when
Ibn Siraj asked him about the seventh-century poet al-Tirimmah, whose poetry was
no longer known in Egypt. Tabari knew al-Tirimmah's poems by heart and was able
to recite and explain them in public [180. See Irshad, VI, 432, 11.14-16 , ed. Rif3 'i,
XVIII, 53. Tahdhib repeatedly quotes his poetry].
Another
anecdote, however, tries to belittle Tabari's knowledge of poetry and related
subjects. The Hanafite judge and litterateur Ahmad b. Irhaq b. al-Buhlul
(231-317 or 318/845-929 or 930) entered into an animated conversation on many
subjects with a person he did not recognize who was sitting next to him at a
funeral. Ibn al - Buhlul's son, Abu Talib Muhammad (d. 348/959), told him that
his conversation partner was the famous Tabari. Then, on an other similar
occassion, he engaged Tabari in reciting poetry and biographical data (siyar,
connected with poetry). Tabari frequently faltered, but Ibn al-Buhlul was able
to recite all the verses without a hitch and give all the answers [180a . See TB, IV, 32 f.;
'Abd al-Qadir al-Qurashi, I, 58 f].
The theory of versification as embodied in
the science of prosody ('arid) was
known to Tabari. How solid his knowledge was, is another question. He was asked
about prosody in Egypt and supposedly learned all there was to know about it
overnight from a borrowed copy of al-Khalil's fundamental work on the subject [181. See Irshdd, VI, 434 f., ed. Rifa 1, XVIII, 56. Another
reference to Tabari's competence in prosody is found in lrshad, VI, 427, 1. 6,
ed. Rifa ' i, XVIII, 45, 1. 9, in a quotation from al- Igna ' fi it da ' ashrata
gira'ah by al- I;iasan b. 'Ali al-Ahwazi (362-446/97231-1o54; see Brockelmann,
GAL, Suppl. 1, 720)]. Someone of his intellectual caliber could probably
become proficient in any subject by just reading one book about it.
Tabari seems to have enjoyed discussing
evidential verses in Tafsir and, especially, in Tahdhib for the explanation of rare words in traditions. He
inserted poetical quotations in History when they served to enliven the narrative
or to support the historical argument, whether he chose the verses himself or,
which is much more likely in most cases, quoted them from the sources used by him.
He was fond of reciting verses and composing some of his own, and he engaged in
occasional poetic exchanges with friends and acquaintances; this, of course,
was the custom of all educated persons in medieval Islam [182. See above, 43].
He often recited verses that al-Awza'i had
earlier been fond of; they dealt with the advisability of decent persons
remaining aloof and keeping concealed what they knew and could do, when
conditions in the world were topsy-turvy and stupidity and meanness prevailed [183. See Mu'3fa, falls, I, 168 f]. He is
credited with verses extolling hadith and hadith scholars. For him, they represented
all that is of true value for Muslims; he incidentally used the opportunity to
excoriate any interest in "innovations" (bida`).' [184. See Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXVI f.
Although the verses are introduced as "by" Tabari, he may have merely
quoted them. This is even more likely with four verses addressed to Mayyas ,
which are a satire on an irrelevant { person? ); see lbn ' Asaklr, LXXXVIII. On
Tabari ' s attitude toward " innovations ," see below, 61.]
The verses most generally ascribed to him
speak of his con tempt for worldly riches and the negative qualities commonly
associated with wealth and poverty:
When I am in financial difficulties, my
companion won't know it.
When
I am wealthy, my friend will be wealthy.
My sense of shame preserves me my decency
as
well as my gentility (rifqi ) in
making demands on my companion (rafiqi).
Were I willing to squander my decency,
it
would be easy for me to become rich.
Perhaps they also reflect the middle- class
circumstances in which he grew up and spent his entire life:
I do not like two character qualities and
what they represent: the arrogance of wealth and the humility of poverty.
When you get wealthy, don't get arrogant, and
when you get poor, show your disrespect for fate! [185.
These verses are found in all major biographical notices, all of which depend
on TB, II, 165, so that the occasional variant readings they contain are of no
significance . The exception is Subki , Tabaqat, who does not mention the
verses. In this context, it may be meaningful that the Prophetic tradition
quoted by Tabari to the author of Aqhani ) see above , n. 75) condemns the
arrogant treatment of others as inferiors by expecting them to rise ) for the
hadith , see Ibn Hanbal , IV, 91, 95) or the one mentioned below, n. 352, are
no doubt not the same person . The place where he wrote to Tabari may be
identical with al - Balad near Mosul]
To a high ranking `Alid who had written him
complaining about the difficulty of finding reliable friends and distinguishing
between good and bad ones, Tabari-apparently assuming that the writer could
possibly have meant him by "someone," although he eagerly desired to
be esteemed by him-replied:
My amir has a bad opinion of someone
seriously concerned. Would there were a way to obtain his good opinion!
(Re)consider, my amir, what you have thought
and said, for a good opinion from you is something beautiful. [186. See TB, II,
t66, quoted by Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXVIII; Irshad, VI, 426, ed. Rifai, XVIII, 43 .
The circumstances of the poetical exchange were apparently unknown to the
author of TB. The writer, Ahmad b. isa al -'Alawi, remains unidentified. Others
named Ahmad b. 'Isa, such as the one who died in 323/935 (TB, IV,280 f.)]
All these verses are pleasant enough, but
they are nothing out of the ordinary. Al-Qifti exaggerated more than a little
when he described Tabari's poetry as "above the poetry of scholars [187. See Qifti, Muhammadan, 264], even if scholarly poetry, it must be said,
never enjoyed any critical acclaim to begin with. The last word on Tabari as a
poet or critic of poetry belonged to the prominent litterateur al-Suli. He
moved in court circles and may well have caught at least occasional glimpses of
Tabari in his old age. Confronted with a variant reading in a verse as quoted
in History (text below, I, 759), he ruled out the possibility that Tabari's text
might be correct. He remarked tartly that Tabari was not as great an authority
on rare words in poetry as he was on other subjects [188.
See Suli , Akhbar al• Rddi wa - al-Muttagi, 39, trans . Canard, I, 84;
Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography2, 53].
Tabari's acquaintance with the exact sciences
such as arithmetic and algebra was hardly intimate. He can be assumed to have had
some knowledge, such as was needed by jurists [189. See
Irshdd, VI, 438 f., ed. Rifa i, XVIII, 6t]. A mastery of logic,
dialectics, and, indeed, f alsafah ("Greek philosophy") [190. For logic and dialectics, see Irshad , loc. cit . i n.
18g(, and, for dialectics, Irshad, VI, 437, 11. 15 f., ed . Rifi'i , XVIII, 6o.
According to Ibn 'Asakir, XC, Tabari studied " the theories of the
philosophers and physicists."] was attributed to him. Contemporary
speculative theology was saturated with philosophical thought, and Tabari had
to know and make use of the various techniques of philosophy as tools for the refutation
of sectarian (Mu'tazilah) views and the defense of his beliefs.
Medicine was one of his great interests. As
many other learned men were accustomed to do, he sometimes dabbled in the
practice of it. A fellow Tabari, 'Ali b. Rabban, was the author of an important
medical encyclopaedia entitled Firdaws al-hikmah. This work became Tabari's
medical bible. Ibn Rabban, we hear, considered the study of medicine (as well
as some knowledge of moral philosophy) indispensable for a maturing boy of
fourteen [191. See Tabari, Firdaws, 99. It may be noted
that Tabari was well aware of alShafl i s position with regard to (Greek) books
on medicine taken as booty) see Ikhtilaf, ed. Schacht, 179; Rosenthal, Muslim
Historiography2, 75, n. S]. Little is known about his biography, except
that he was a government official in his native country in earlier years and
that he remained a Christian for much of his life before he converted to Islam
during the reign of al-Mutawakkil [192. See Ullmann,
Medizin, it 9-221 Sezgin , GAS, III, 236-40]. Tabari may in fact have
known him personally, possibly during his early years in Baghdad, not long
before Ibn Rabban's death. The Firdaws
had been completed a few years before. There is a report, which cannot be
verified, that Tabari studied with him the entire work and wrote it down. According
to Ibn Kamil , he had a copy of it in six carts in his possession . He even
kept it under his prayer carpet [193. See Irshad, VI,
429, ed. Rifa i, XVIII, 48.].
Tabari occasionally gave medical advice to
his friends and students when one of their children became sick. When Abu
al-Faraj b. al-Thallaj, who later was a jurist of Tabari's legal school, fell
ill, Tabari suggested a cure to his father Abu al-'Abbas. The worried father
was only too willing to give it a try, for he reasoned that coming from a man
like Tabari, it no doubt enjoyed divine blessing. Tabari described his
suggested remedy and the way it was to, be applied in these words: "Shave
his head and prepare very greasy cakes smothered in (chicken) fat [194. For judhdbah ( Persian gndhab(, see, for instance ,
Tabikh, ed. al-Barudi, 71 f. (ch. 8), trans . Arberry, "A Baghdad cookery
book," 2o8 f. and a8 f. where Arberry translates a couple of poems on
judhdbah. See also Rodinson , "Recherches," 103, 133]. Let him
eat them until he is full, then take the rest and put it on his pate and let
him sleep in this condition. If God wills, he will be all right [195. See Irshdd, VI, 460, f., ed. Rifli, XVIII, 93. On Ibn
al -Thallaj, see above, n. 165.]. The remedy proved effective-and
certainly could not have done any harmand Abu al-Faraj recovered, but Tabari
outlived him, and Abu alFaraj died a short while before him. Tabari also treated
himself when he was ill. He described to a Christian physician sent to him by
the wazir'Ali b. Isa what he had done to cure himself. The physician had to
admit that he himself could not have done better. With rather heavy flattery,
he added that if Tabari were a Christian, his coreligionists would consider him
one of the apostles [196. See Irshad, VI, 461 f., ed.
Rifii, XVIII, 94. On Tabari' s illness, see above, n. 144 . The story is
remarkable for showing Tabari in direct contact with a nonMuslim. It is hard to
say how much other contact with Christians and, perhaps , Jews he might have
had. His familiarity with Jewish and Christian historical/religious material
does not imply any sort of personal acquaintance . For this].
There was a religious side to Tabari's
concern with medicine. A quotation from al-Adub
al-I,tamidah (see Adab al-nufus,
below, 82) recommends the effectiveness of a procedure for relief in unpleasant
situations. It had been suggested by an early Muslim and consisted of reciting
surahs 91 and 92, each seven times, and asking God for help. Relief would come in
the first, third, fifth, or, maybe, seventh night. The recipe was tried by
someone who felt great pain and did not know what to do about it. He said the
prescribed prayer before going to bed. Falling asleep, he immediately dreamed
that two men came and sat down, one at his head and the other at his feet. The
one told the other to feel his body. When he came to a certain place of his head,
he ordered him not to shave the spot but wash it with khatmiyyah and then draw blood there by means of cupping, with the
added suggestion that he ought also to recite surah 95. In the morning, he
tried to find out why he was told to use khatmiyya, and he was told that it was
for stopping the flow of blood from the wound caused by the bloodletting [197. See Tanukhi, Faraj, 1, 19, f. For khatmi (khitmi)
"marshmallow," see, for instance, Lane, 768a, Rosenthal,
"Hippocratic Oath," 68 ff.; and, in particular, Razi, HaWi, XX, 398-401.
Khatmiyyah is presumably the salve for wounds made from it alone or a
concoction with honey water (melikraton) mentioned by al-Razi in the first
place, quoting Dioscurides, III, 146, 1, ed. Wellmann, II, 15 5, It. 4 f].
As a man of general education, Tabari was
thus interested in numerous aspects of contemporary intellectual life. Even
those aspects which were viewed with growing suspicion by the legal and religious
scholarship, of which Tabari was a foremost representative, were not excluded.
He did not contribute actively to them but restricted his serious scholarly
efforts to his prime concerns, law and hadith, Qur'anic science, and history.
He was conscious of the fact that each of these large fields had its own
vocabulary and technique of exposition, but it can be observed that his
treatment of them always shows the same general traits characteristic of his
approach to scholarship.
His large literary output required
considerable discipline in his daily routine and scholarly habits [198. See above, 39 and 42 f]. He paid attention to
such comparatively minor details as the best way of reading books in connection
with his research. As reported by one of his students, Ibn al-Mughallis, he
would systematically go twice through the works he wished to consult, carrying
them from one corner of his house to another and then, when he had finished
with them, returning them to their original place [199.
See Irshad, VI, 444, 11. i-6, ed . Rifi'i, XVIII, 68 f. For a translation of
the passage in context , see below, 110. Abu al-Hasan 'Abdallah b. Ahmad b .
Muhammad b. al-Mughallis died in 324/936 . He was a follower of the school of
the Zahirite Dawud b.' All, for whose relations with Tabari see below , 132.
For ibn al-Mughallis, see Ibn al - Nadim, Fihrist, 218,11-4- 9; 8,11.4- 9;
Dhahabi, ' Ibar , 1I, 201. He provided Ibn Kamil with much information.].
He appears to have done all his research by himself without assistants . Only
once do we hear that he asked for help in his research . It was near the end of
his life that he requested from a bookseller named Abu al-Qasim al-Husayn b.
Hubaysh that he assemble for him the available titles on giyas. They were more
than thirty books. When he returned them to the bookseller, it was discovered that
he had marked them with red ink [200. See Irshad, VI,
453, Il. S-8, ed. Rifi'i, XVIII, 81 , and the translation of the passage below,
120. Booksellers customarily served as lending libraries], apparently
his way of locating suitable references to be used by him at some later date [201. Possibly, the statement might refer to annotations made
by Tabari]. His lecturing, when a large audience was present, required the
customary use of repetitors (mustamli), but the name of only one of them is
preserved, Abu Said 'Amr b. Muhammad b. Yahya al-Dinawari [202. He was the transmitter of Sarih , see text, 193, trans
., 186. He is the Abu Said al-Dinawari who is said to be Tabari 's mustamli in
Dhahabi , Nubala', XIV, 280, and ' Uluww, 150. It does not seem impossible that
he is identical with Abu Said ' Umar b. Ahmad al -Dinawari who played an
unhappy role in connection with Adab al-nufns; see below, n. 308. Another
Dinawari, Abu Said'Uthman b. Ahmad, who reported the anecdote involving Ibn
al-Furst ( above, n. 164 ), is certainly a different person.].
Like other students and scholars, Tabari kept
his notebooks and occasionally made reference to them. Quoting an
interpretation of Qur. 79:3 by Mujahid, he indicates that he found it "in
my book," presumably a notebook dating back to the time when he studied
with Abu Kurayb [203. See Tat sir, XXX, 20, ll. 6 f.
The published recension of Mujahid ' s commentary does not mention the
quotation]. A reference to his notebooks is also found in connection
with information derived from al-Hasan b. alSabbah [
204. See Tafsir, XV, r66, 11. 31 f. (ad Qur. 18:46). Al-Hasan b. al-$abbah died
in 249/863 ; see TB, VII, 330-2; Ibn "ajar, Tahdhib, II, 289 f ],
When there was a question whether 'Abdallah b. 'Umar or 'Abdallah b. 'Amr fib.
al-'As) was meant, he called attention to the fact that it was Ibn 'Umar that
was found "in my book [205. See Dhayl, III, 2490,
ed. Cairo, XI, 638].
Tabari derived the materials for his major
publications almost exclusively from written works, despite the pretense of
oral transmission which obscures the picture to some degree by preventing more
specific reference. In History, the written sources used by him are usually
transparent, even though they are not preservedp [206.
Tabari's use of them helps to reconstruct them. For recent works on the Tabari
sources Abu Mikhnaf and al-Mada'ini, with a thorough discussion of the problems
involved, see U. Sezgin, Abu Mikhnaf, and Rotter, "Uberheferung."
Noth, "Charakter," takes issue (principally on Sayf b. 'Umar) with J.
Wellhausen who is reputed to have been among the first to deal with Tabari's
sources], but it is very rare
indeed that title and author are expressly mentioned, as in the case of the
History of the Basrans (Kitab Akhbar ahl
al-Basrah) by 'Umar b. Shabbah [207. See History,
text below, II, 168.]. It was also unusual for him to quote his prime
source, in this case, Sayf b. 'Umar, with express reference to "his book [208. See History, text below, I, 2391]. He was, of
course, aware of the intermediate written stages through which his material
reached him, but he only exceptionally mentioned them in the way he did with a
book of Abu Qilabah which Ayyub al-Sakhtiyani said he had read [209. See Tafsir, XXX, 174, 1. 2 (ad Qur. 99:7(; Sezgin, GAS,
1, 68. See also U. Sezgin, Abu Mikhnaf, 83, in connection with History, II, 881
f]. The "books" of contemporaries he made use of naturally
remained mostly unmentioned, but he tells us how he received information from
Ziyad b. Ayyub. Dallawayh, as Ziyad was called, was a very old man when Tabari
met him in Baghdad. He produced for him (akhraja
ilayya) "a book containing traditions on the authority of several
shaykhs who, he said, had been his direct authorities. Some of it he taught me
viva voce, some he did not. The latter (material) I copied from it (or him, kitabtuhu minhu) [210. See History, text below,1, 3159. Ziyad b Ayyub, who was born in
166/782(3], had begun already his serious study of hadith at the age of fifteen
. He died in 252/866. See Bukhiri, Ta'rikh, II, 1, 315) TB, VIII, 479-81; Ibn
Hajar, Tahdhib, III, 355.]. A
prophetical hadith transmitted through Sufyan alThawri described the coming of the
Sufyani at the end of time. had found
much attention in Syria, and Tabari, who obviously did not like it, discussed
it there with Muhammad b. Khalaf al-'Asqalani. In this connection, Tabari
mentions that he also saw it in "the book of al-$uda ' i [211. See Tafsir, XXII, 72 f. (ad Qur. 34:511. on
al-'Asgalani, see above , n. 92, and on al-Suda'i, see below, translation , n.
168. Tabari' s attitude toward the belief in the expected Sufyani is attested ,
for instance , below, translation , Vol. XXXVIII,181. On notebooks, see also
above, 17 and 21.]. As in the case of Ziyad b . AyyUb, al-suda ' i's
book appears to have been an unpublished notebook.
Since quotations make up the bulk of the
contents of Tabari's major works, the question of his accuracy in quoting
arises constantly. It cannot be satisfactorily answered in a general way, since
most of his sources are not preserved . Even where they are, it is always
possible that Tabari used another text or recension than the one preserved.
Small changes in the wording or carefully chosen omissions or the deliberate
failure to take account of all available sources can make a big difference and
even alter the entire picture, particularly in the interpretation of historical
data. It is a safe assumption that Tabari used such procedures on occasion intentionally
hand, presumably, most frequently when contemporary 'Abbasid interests were
involved), or it just happened to him without his being fully aware of the
consequences . Modern historians, for whom this is a crucial question, have
mostly restricted themselves to raising it in connection with certain points of
historical information . This is probably the most that can be done at present [212. For individual studies, see above, n. 206, and, for a
general judgment, see Cahen, "L'histonographie arabe," 149 and 160.].
The assumption that Tabari's quotations can in general be relied upon as being
accurate has not been disproved and, as matters stand , remains valid.
At the core, his honest and solid attitude
toward scholarship is indisputable. His reverence for scholarship, often
stressed by his biographers, is obvious, and so is his desire to present what
he considered factual information , hard facts, to his students and to contemporary
and future readers . He wished to be concise and to disregard irrelevant data.
A cherished anecdote tells of his initial concept of the size of History and
Tafsir. It was to produce much larger works than he finally did. But when he
asked his students whether they possessed the energy to study such enormous
works, he found to his dismay that they thought they would not be able to read
them in a lifetime. He concluded that their attitude showed a general lack of
noble ambition . So he cut the size of the works own to what it eventually
became [213. See TB, II, 163, quoted by Ibn 'Asikir,
LXXXVIII; Sam'ini, Ansdb, IX, 42; Irshad, VI, 424 f., ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 42;
Dhahabi, Nubald', XIV, 274 f.; and Tadhkirat a1-huffaz, II, 252.]. The
anecdote is almost certain to be an invention without any basis in fact, but it
shows a true understanding not only of Tabari's tremendous capacity but also of
his concern with the essentials in all his publications. He continually
stressed that he wanted to be brief or that he did not want to repeat
himself [214.
All of Tabari's major works, but particularly Tafsir, state more frequently
that there is no need for repetition (fddah) than that making the work
unnecessarily long is to be avoided (italah). For History, see text below, I,
251, (translation, Vol. II, 46), and I, 671.]. Statements of this sort
take the place of accurate cross-referencing, for which there existed no
practical methods in the manuscript age [215. Such
cross - referencing as there is was not very convenient even for learned Qur'in
scholars. See Tafsir, VI, 29,1. 21 (ad Qur. 4:175), referring back to the verse
on inheritance (Qur. 4: 12) earlier in suIah 4, or Tafsir, XIII, 155,1. I lad
Qur. 14:37), referring back to surah z (verses 125 ff.)]. Their
frequency also reveals his realization of the need for economy in dealing
effectively with a body of knowledge which already in his time had grown to
almost unmanageable proportions.
The most remarkable aspect of Tabari's
approach is his constant and courageous expression of "independent
judgment (ijtihad)." After having quoted his sources and the views
represented by them, he states what he considered the most acceptable view. With
respect to legal and dogmatic differences, Tabari is not reluctant to make his
preference known, as is clear from Tabsir and the preserved parts of Ikhtilaf
and Tahdbib. Expectedly, this feature is much more prominent in Tafsir than it
is in History. His own views are consistently introduced by "Abu Ja'far
says". He carefully argues and documents what he believes to be the
"most likely" report or opinion [216. In
Tafsir, the most commonly used term is "the correct view (al-sawdb) in
my/our opinion." Elsewhere, the expression "the truth in my opinion
(al-haqq 'indi)" is also found. Tabsir uses both indiscriminately. The
situation in 1khtilaf is slightly puzzling . In Schacht's text , Tabari does
not explicitly indicate his preferences . Kern ' s text, on the other hand ,
has at first a number of instances of al-haqq'indi (I, 13, 19, 22, 24, 29);
later, it is quite regularly al-sawdb 'indi (over twentyfive occurrences ) or
simply " our opinion." There are two possible explanations: The books
of Ikhtilaf were written at different
times or what is preserved represents different ( perhaps also abridged )
recensions. Either explanation is applicable, it would seem , according to the
various parts of the preserved text While the occurrences in Tafsir are legion,
there are fewer occasions for them in History; but they are not entirely
absent, if in rather different forms . Thus History, text below, 1, 416, speaks
of one statement as more likely true (ashbah bi-al-haqq) than another . Or
Tabari's opinion is given conditionally : " If this version is correct, then
the first statement is wrong " (History, text below, I, 1367 (.
Wa-al-sawab 'indi appears in History, III, 1436.]. His conclusions, it
maybe added, usually deserve respect to this day. It is, of course, clear that
he was a "compiler," in the sense that he reported the evidence
derived from his sources without immediate comment or basic distortion. Most
scholarly works in Muslim civilization followed this highly recommendable
method . It was , however, an unfortunate misjudgment on the part of Brockelmann
(GAL, I, 142, GAL '2 1, 148) to speak of him as unoriginal (" kein
selbstandiger Kopf "), when he was undeniably concerned above all with
seeing things his way, that is , being original and independent in his
approach.
His own views often leaned toward moderation
and compromise. He stated innumerable times that two of the suggested readings
of a Qur ' anic passage were both possible and can be accepted and used as
correct[217. On the expression of preference with
respect to Qur' an readings (ikhtiyar), see Noldeke -Schwally- Bergstrasser -
Pretzl , III, 132 ff. There may be more than two readings involved, as, for
instance, Tafsir, XXVII, 16,11. 27 f. (ad Qur. 52:21(. Occasionally, Tabari
expressly states his own preference for one reading as the only one that is
acceptable to him as correct , as, for instance, Tafsir, V, 209,11. 13 f. (ad
Qur. 4: 135 end)] . It was not
only readings but also interpretations that challenged his tendency toward
compromise . Two examples may be mentioned.
A particularly knotty problem presented itself
in Qur . 5:6, the verse which somehow gave rise to one of the famous
distinctions between Shi 'ites and Sunnis-the Shi ' ah practice of "wiping"
(the boots, although neither khuffayn nor any other footgear is mentioned in
the Qur'an) as against the sunni practice of "washing" the feet in
the ritual ablution before prayer [218. See Tafsir, VI,
81 , 1. 3-87,1.22. Tabari ' s conclusion appears on pp. 83,1.19-84,1. 13. For a
concise exposition of the problem in relation to Qur 'inic data, see Paret, Der
Koran. Kommentar and Konkordanz,115 f. See also Noldeke schwallyBergstrasser- Pretzi, IIi, 141].
It hinges on whether one reads the word " feet" as either a genitive
or an accusative. Both readings, Tabari argues, yield the same meaning as far
as the legal requirement is concerned . However, he gives preference to the
genitive on the basis of his interpretation of the meaning of "wiping"
in the verse and for syntactic reasons . The philological point he makes in
favor of the genitive is absolutely correct. Yet, the accusative became the
Kufi reading adopted in the canonic text, so as to leave no doubt about the
"washing" of the feet. Tabari's interpretation of "wiping"
amounts to wiping the feet in their entirety with water (not mentioned in the
Qur'anic verse but somehow deducible from the sand ablution (tayammum] in Qur. 4:43) by using one's
hand or its equivalent; thus wiping and washing are one process (which makes
for more problems, such as whether washing without wiping is in compliance with
the law). The discussion of this legal point of ritual is extraordinarily long,
given Tabari's concept of what his Qur'an commentary should legitimately deal
with [219. The subject of ahkdm, the legal data
furnished by the Qur'an, was a wellestablished subdiscipline of Qur'anic
science by the time of Tabari. It was treated apart from general commentaries .
Tabari considered legal excursuses not appropriate in Tafsir. Thus, he declared
a detailed discussion of unintentional (khata') killing to be out of place ,
since " our intention in this work (Tafsir ) is the explanation of the
Revelation , and khata' is not mentioned in it ." He referred the reader
to Latif instead . See Tafsir, VII, 28,11. 30 ff. (ad Qur. 5: 951; similarly,
VII, 203,11.9 ff. (ad Qur. 6:1o3). Nevertheless, Tabari was inevitably drawn
into legal discussions on subjects such as retaliation (gisds) (II, 60, ad Qur.
2:1781, inheritance law (11, 74, ad Qur. 2:182), fasting (II, 103, ad Qur.
2:187), pilgrimage (II, 153, ad Qur. 2:193), divorce (II, 270 ff., ad Qur.
2:228 f.), prayer (II, 352, ad Qur. 2:238), abrogation (III, 12, ad Qur. 2
:256, and elsewhere ), entering the shops of merchants (XVIII, 90 f., ad Qur.
24: 29). See also the preceding note and the discussion of Latif, below, r 13
ff.]. He takes great pains to weaken or reinterpret traditions that
would favor the Shi'ah practice, and pleads for the correctness of the sunni
view. His plea fell on deaf ears in certain circles prejudiced against him. He
was accused of sympathy with the Shi'ah on this point. His expressed preference
for the genitive reading could easily be seen as tilting toward the Shi'ah, no
matter how consistently he argued for the sunni practice, which he clearly
accepted as the proper one [220. See Ibn al - Jawzi,
Muntazam, VI, 172. Ibn al-Jawzi seems to express here his own view ( see also
below, n. 233). Ibn Hajar, Lisdn, V, 103, makes the hardly plausible suggestion
that the statement that Tabari was satisfied with wiping the feet in the ritual
ablution might refer to the Shi ite Muhammad b. Jarir al –Tabari ( see below,
118 f.)]. The balancing feat he performs gives the impression of being a
compromise between his scholarly instincts and the religious practices which he
felt it necessary to uphold at all costs.
Another similar example is the way in which
he argues both sides of a sensitive issue of a dogmatic nature that had arisen
in connection with magdman mahmudan in Qur. 17:79 [221.
See below, 7 r ff. and Appendix B]. While the ablution problem concerned
the entire Muslim community, his compromise in the case of maqaman mahmudan was
dictated by the need to defend himself against personal attacks. Compromise by Tabari,
however, must never be confused with an absence of firm conviction.
The preoccupation with legal issues and the
religious problems inextricably connected with them dominated the course of his
life as a scholar. His stance was moderate to some degree, at least in minor
matters. He might use the harsh word "obtuse for someone who, he thought,
did not understand him correctly [222. See Tafsir, II,
269 , 1. 5 (ad Qur. 2:227).] but he also expressed himself in speaking
about other scholars with a certain politeness ("I fear that shaykh
erred") [223. See Tafsir, II, 91, 1. 5 (ad Qur.
2:185)]. On occasion, he was ready with sharp remarks, such as the
observation that he had seen al-'Abbas b. Muhammad al-Duri so intoxicated that
"the walls were hitting him" [224. See TB,
XII, 145, 11. 12-14, from Ibn Kimil. Al-Duri (185-271/801-841 is mentioned
quite frequently as an authority of Tabari. It may be noted that he was an
authority of Muhammad b. Dawud al - Zihiri ( see TB, V, 256,1. 21. He was also
one of those who supported the authenticity of the attribution to Mujahid of
the disputed interpretation of maqaman mahmudan , and was repeatedly cited in
this connection by Khallil, Musnad, see also Dhahabi, 'Uluww,143. For Tabari on
Abu Hatim al-Sijistini, see above , n. 16o , and on Abu Bakr b . Abi Dawud,
below, n. 229.]. On his part, his reputation protected him from
criticism in later centuries, but not entirely. His alleged attacks on Ibn
'Amir, one of the seven early Qur'an readers, were criticized [225. See Ibn al-Jazari , Ghayah, I, 424, 11. 19 f.]. The historian Ibn al-Athir would frankly
object to some aspect of Tabari's appproach to history [226.
See below , translation, introduction, n. 3], and there is an intriguing
statement that "various criticisms were made of him (takallamu fih bi-anwa )," which originated in circles with
strong ties to $ufism [227. See Ibn 'Asakir, LXXVIII f.
Ibn 'Asakir had the remark from Abu al-Muzaffar Abd al-Munim b. 'Abd al- Karim
b. Hawazin al-Qushayri (445-532/1053-1137[8]), a son of the author of the
Risalah , the famous handbook on Sufism . It went back to al-Sulami (d.
412/1021) who collected Sufi biographies in his Tabagdt al-Sufiyya. Not much is
known so far about Tabari's attitude toward Sufism. He used Sufi material in
Adab al-nufus ; see below , 82. He certainly was opposed to the ecstatic
mysticism which spread rapidly during his lifetime ; see History, text below,
III, 2289, translation, Vol. XXXVIII, 199 f. It
must be left an open question whether the Sufis ' religious and ethical outlook
appealed to him. It might very well have impressed him favorably to a certain
degree . For a possible personal Sufi contact, see below, n. 298.]. These criticisms may very
well have been of an objective nature, but already his contemporaries felt that
he was the innocent target of harmful and malicious slander "by enviers, ignoramuses
, and heretics [228. See Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXII].
Some fragments of a bitter controversy tell
us of an occasion where Tabari had to defend himself against such harmful and malicious
backbiting. He was denounced by Abu Bakr b. Abi Dawud [229.
Abu Bakr b. Abi Dawud, 'AbdallAh b. Sulayman b. al-Ash'ath, lived from
230/844(5) to 316/929 and thus was about six years older than Tabari and
survived him by six years. See TB, IX, 464 ff., in particular, 467 f. On him
and his father, see also above, n. 74. He competed with Tabari in writing a
Qur'an commentary; see Ibn al - Nadim, Fjhrist, 232, 1. 28 (see below, 1 to).
TB, loc. cit., has a statement which is interesting in connection with the
history of the composition of Fadd ' il (below, 91). Abu Bakr is said to have
always stressed that he was willing to forgive every critic except one who
accused him of hatred for All ( using the same expression as was used by Tabari
with respect to bid 'ah, see below, n. 237). The reason for his remark was his
awareness of being suspected of a well- concealed but deep aversion for 'Ali
and his partisans. Tabari shared this suspicion. When he learned that Abu Bakr
was lecturing on the virtues (fado'il) of 'Ali, he made the snide remark :
" Praise of God ( a call to prayer ) from a watchman (takbirah min
haris)!" This would seem to be a proverbial statement for someone who does
not practice what he preaches. Haris might mean here "thief" (see
Lane, 546b). The first appearance in History of Nasr al - Qushuri is text
below, III, 2144 , translation , Vol. XXXVIII, 20, n. 114.] to the
influential chamberlain of al-Muqtadir, Nasr alQushuri. He was accused of
Jahmite inclination [230. On Jahm and the Jahmiyyah,
see E12, II, 388, s .v. Djahm, Djahmiyya.] and extremist pro-'Alid views and was forced
to issue a denial.
Abu Bakr b. Abi Dawud had sent a memorandum (qissah) concerning Tabari to Nasr, the
Chamberlain. It contained several things, which he (Tabari) denied. Thus he
attributed to him Jahmite opinions in interpreting Qur. 5:64 ("and His two
hands are both stretched out"), in that he gave to "His two
hands" the (metaphoric meaning) of "His two favors (ni'matah)." (Tabari) denied that
and said, "I did not say that” [231. Tabari refers
to this interpretation in Tafsir, VI, 194, 1. 25, mentioning no names but
including it among interpretations of the dialecticians (ahl al-jadal, see
below, n. 416 ). His long discussion suggests that he does not accept it . The
decisive element for Tabari apparently was the use of the dual in "two
hands ," as against the immediately preceding " hand of God " in
the singular . God's benefactions are innumerable , and this could be expressed
by either the singular or the plural of ni'mah, but not by the dual. In Tabsir,
fol. 88b , Tabari explains the two hands as "stretched out with favors
(bi-al-ni'am) for the creation , not withdrawn from the good”.]. Another of those things was that (according to
Abu Bakr b. Abi Dawud, Tabari) transmitted the statement that the spirit of the
messenger of God, when it left (him at death?), flowed into the palm of 'Ali
who then covered (slowly swallowed? [232. The word is
h-s-w in the Hyderabad edition of Ibn al-Jawzi and j-'-y, according to the
introduction of Ikhtilaf, ed. Kern , 1, io, nn. 3 and 4; see Tabari,
Introductio etc., XCIX. The lexicographers, who tried hard to establish the
meaning of j-'-y, thought of "to conceal " as the principal meaning
of the root; see, for instance, Azhari, Tahdhib, XI, 132 f.; Ibn Manzur, Lisan,
XVIII,138 f. They apparently do not list the tradition . De Goeje gives the
impression that they did; he may have had a reference to it . Until it is
located elsewhere , it will be difficult to decide what is really involved
here] it. He (Tabari, or rather Abu Bakr?) said that the hadith says
only that he wiped his face with it, and does not contain "covered (slowly
swallowed?) it". This author [233. The historian
Thibit b. Siniin, who continued Tabari's History to a few years before his
death in 365 / 976, is mentioned by Ibn al-Jawzi in the context; but the
speaker here may rather be Ibn al - Jawzi himself . However, the criticism of
Tabari's unfairness in blaming the entire group for the error of one of its
members is difficult to ascribe to Ibn al-Jawzi . Only the rejection of the
tradition as "absurd" may go back to Ibn al-Jawzi, while the rest
comes from his unidentified source(?)] said : This is also absurd.
However, Ibn Jarir (Tabari) wrote in reply to Nasr, the Chamberlain:
"There is no group in Islam like that contemptible group [234. The "group ('isabah)" is not named .
Possibly, the students and sympathizers of Abu Bakr b. Abi Dawud are meant)?)].
This is an ugly remark for him to make. For while it is necessary for him to
counter an adversary, it is ugly in the extreme to blame his entire sect (ta ‘i fah) when he knew [235. Thus the Hyderabad edition of Ibn al-Jawzi. The text in
Tabari, Introductio etc., has " did not know," which is hardly
correct] who deserved to be blamed [236. See Ibn
al-Jawzi, Muntazam, VI, 172. The text in Tabari, lntroductio etc., XCVIII f.,
is taken from the Paris manuscript of the Muntazam.].
The report is, unfortunately, not as clear and
detailed as one might wish, but it illustrates Tabari's dogmatic difficulties
better than the general accusations of dogmatic heresy and extremist Shi'ah
sympathies which we hear about mainly in connection with quarrels with the
Hanbalites (who, in this case, presumably cannot be held responsible).
There is every reason to assume that his
dogmatic beliefs were basically those of the mainstream of "orthodox"
Islam, as it was conceived, for instance, in the environment of Ibn Hanbal.
Nothing to the contrary can be observed in his preserved dogmatic writings such
as Sarih and Tabsir. He appears as an implacable foe of "innovations (bid'ah, pl. bida')." When he was
close to death and Ibn Kamil asked him to pardon his enemies, he supposedly
said that he would forgive them all except one individual who had accused him
of "innovation". The person who had run afoul of him was his
colleague Abu 'Ali al-Hasan b. al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Sawwaf (d. 31o/December
925). He had objected to the praise which Tabari showered on Abu Hanifah, when
he lectured on Dhayl.[ 237. See Irshad, VI, 455 , 11. 1-8, ed . Rifa'i, XVIII, 84
. For al -$ awwaf, see TB, VII, 297 f. He was the one who boasted that he had
been eating dried dates all his life, when Tabari expounded upon their
harmfulness ( above, n. 150) . Tabari was vindicated when al-Sawwaf 's teeth
fell out, and he lost much weight; see Irshad, VI, 459 f., ed. RifaI, XVIII,
91]" In general, Tabari is described as unswerving in his faithful
adherence to the orthodox views of the ancient Muslim scholars in "most of
his dogmatic views (full madhahibihl)."
The qualifying "most" implies that there were exceptions.
Regrettably, they are not mentioned. Only the fundamental points of dogma
championed by the Mu'tazilah, with which Tabari firmly disagreed, are
enumerated in this connection [238. See Irshad, VI, 453
f., ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 81 f.].
The politically most explosive aspect of
Muslim dogmatics always was the imamate, the leadership of the Muslim state and
community. In the time of Tabari, the focus was on the claims made for 'Ali,
his descendants, and the Shi'ah as the legitimate rulers of Islam [239. Other sectarians , such as Kharijites and the pro
-Umayyad Shi 'ah, played a less important role, although they were by no means
insignificant ; see, for instance , below, translation, Vol. XXXVIII , 48 ff.,
for the pro - Umayyads, and passim for the Kharijites.]. It is a moot
question whether or not Shi'ism was numerically the majority party in the
Muslim world at the time. It was the party that was out of power in most
regions and, as far as the central government in Baghdad was concerned, it constituted
a threat of subversion that had to be kept under control. Thus, the accusation
of pro-Shi'ah sympathies was an easy weapon against personal adversaries. Its
effects probably varied greatly according to prevailing circumstances in each
individual case. Sometimes, it could do
permanent damage to the reputation of the accused. One- of Tabari's students,
for example, Ibn Ayyub (Abu Bakr Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Ayyub
alQattan) was described to al-Khatib al-Baghdadi as a sound transmitter of
material from Tabari but also as an extremist Shi'ite who held highly
objectionable views. The Khatib discussed the matter with another of his authorities
who had studied with Ibn Ayyub and was told by that person that he had never
heard Ibn Ayyub make unacceptable statements with pro-Shi'ah bias. His only
crime was that he expressed himself in favor of recognizing 'Ali superior
position (tafdil 'Ali) [240. See TB, V, 465. The Khatib' s informant on Ibn Ayyub's
alleged Shi'ism was his frequently cited authority Abu al-Qasim al-Azhari ( see
Lassner, Topography, 234, n . 12, and index ). The lenient view was taken by
judge Abu Bskr Mubammad b. 'Umar al –Dawudi (353-429/964- 1038 ; see TB, 111,
38)]. This shows that Shiite tendencies could be deduced from open
admiration of All. They could also be invented as malicious slender. In most
cases, it is not possible for us to determine reasons and motivations. Old
Tabari appears to have been the victim of a campaign of slander by certain Hanbalites.
They propagated the idea that he was a Shi'ah extremist and, ultimately, a
heretic [241. As Miskawayh ( see Eclipse, 1, 84)
states, this was the belief of the Hanbalite crowd (al-'ammah) who caused the
riot at the time of this death . Strangely, he makes no comment on the matter .
See also Irshdd, VI, 423, 1. 17, ed . Rifa'i, XVIII, 40, II. 11 f. (see below ,
n. 292).]. How successful they were, it is hard to say; quite a few
people no doubt believed what they were told, although their numbers seem to
have been inflated by rumor and tendentious reports. At any rate, there is not
the slightest evidence for Tabari's alleged Shi'ism. His roots in Tabaristan
seem to have been in no way intertwined with local Shi'ism. His family rather belonged
to the opposite camp [242. See also above, 13.].
If by any chance he harbored a deep down, secret animus against the 'Abbasid
caliphate, he concealed it from his contemporaries as well as posterity. His works
certainly do not support the accusation of Shi'ism or worse, though it must
admitted that Tabari would have avoided to mention things that might give
reason to believe that the accusation was justified, even if it was. Opinions
of his, such as the one expressed in connection with wiping and washing in the
ritual ablution , required considerable twisting in order to provide minimal
support for it [243. See above, 56 f.].
CONTINUED
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