History of al-Tabari VOLUME IV.1

TRANSLATED BY MOSHE PERLMANN

The Ancient Kingdoms

Volume IV

The

History of al-Tabari

VOLUME IV

The Ancient Kingdoms

Translated by Moshe Perlmann

In this volume Tabari takes up the history of the ancient world, focusing on the Iranians and the Israelites after the time of Solomon. He establishes a comparative chronology between the two nations; viewing Bahman, the Persian king, as the son of Esther, and his daughter, Khumah, the mother of Darius. TabarTs synchronization also leads him into a discussion of North and South

Arabia, in which stories about King Jadhilmah, Queen Zabba, and the tribes of Tasm and Jadls appear.

Falling outside the general scheme of the volume, are other details. These are concentrated in five chapters on the biblical stories of Samson and Delilah, and on Jonah, commentary on a Quranic passage concerning three divine envoys, and on two stories of Christian antiquity, the Seven Sleepers and the martyr JirjTs.

Tabari presents a mass of Iranian, Jewish, Christian, and Arabian lore in order to create a unified view of the material. His treatment of the mythical Iranian kings, as they battle Turanians and other foes, extends beyond the time of Alexander and his successors to the era of the Gospels, John the Baptist, and Isa. Tales of the

Israelites include the story of Asa and Zerah the Indian, remarkable for its development of the Biblical nucleus and variants of the history of the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar.

SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies

Said Amir Arpomand, Editor

ISBN-13 978-O-887O6-102-O

90000 :

9760887 ' 061 820' 1

SUNY

THE HISTOR Y OF AL-TABARl

AN ANNOTATED TRANSLATION

VOLUME IV

The Ancient Kingdoms

The History of al-Tabari

Editorial Board

Ihsan Abbas, University of Jordan, Amman

C. E. Bosworth, The University of Manchester

Jacob Lassner, Wayne State University, Detroit

Franz Rosenthal, Yale University

Ehsan Yar-Shater, Columbia University (General Editor)

SUNY

SERIES IN NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

Said Amir Arjomand, Editor

Bibliotheca Persica

Edited by Ehsan Yar-Shater

The History of al-Tabari

(Ta’rikh al-iusul wa'1-muluk)

Volume iv

The Ancient Kingdoms

translated and annotated

by

Moshe Perlmann

University of California, Los Angeles

annotations of Iranian names and terms

by Shaul Shaked

Hebrew University of Jerusalem

State University of New York Press

The preparation of this volume was made possible by a grant

from the Program for Research Tools and Reference Works

of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent

federal agency; and in part by the Persian Heritage Foundation.

Published by

State University of New York Press, Albany

© 1987 State University of New York

All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

No part of this book may be used or reproduced

in any manner whatsoever without written permission

except in the case of brief quotations embodied in

critical articles and reviews.

For information, address State University of New York

Press, State University Plaza, Albany, N.Y. ri246

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Tabari, 8381-923.

The ancient kingdoms.

Bibliotheca Persica |SUNY series in Near Eastern

studies) (The history of al-Tabari = Ta’rlkh al-rusul

wa’l-muluk; v. 4)

Translation of extracts from: Ta’rikh al-rusul

wa’l-muluk; v. 4)

Bibliography: p.

Includes index.

1. Iran — History— To 640. 2. Jews — History.

3. Arabs — History — To 662. 4. Legends, Jewish.

5. Legends, Christian. I. Perlmann, Moshe. II. Title.

III. Title: Tarikh al-rusul wal-muluk. IV. Series:

Bibliotheca Persica (Albany, N.Y.) V. Series: SUNY

series in Near Eastern studies. VI. Series: Tabari,

8381-923. Tarikh al-rusul wa-al-muluk. English;

v. 4.

DS275T332513 1987 935 85-17282

ISBN 0-87706-181-8

ISBN 0-88706-182-6 (pbk.)

Acknowledgements

In 1971 the General Editor proposed to the UNESCO to include a translation of al-Tabari's History in its Collection of Representative Works. UNESCO agreed, but the Commission in charge of Arabic works favored other priorities. Deeming the project worthy, the Iranian Institute of Translation and Publication, which collaborated with UNESCO, agreed to undertake the task. After the upheavals of 1979, assistance was sought from the National Endowment for the Humanities. The invaluable encouragement and support of the Endowment is here gratefully acknowledged.

The General Editor wishes to thank sincerely also the participating scholars, who have made the realization of this project possible; the Board of Editors for their selfless assistance; Professor Franz Rosenthal for his many helpful suggestions in the formulation and application of the editorial policy,- Professor Jacob Lassner for his painstaking and meticulous editing; and Dr. Susan Mango of the National Endowment for the Humanities for her genuine interest in the project and her advocacy of it.

Preface

9

The History of Prophets and Kings [Ta'rikh al-rusul wa'l- muluk) by Abu Ja‘far Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari (839-923), here rendered as the History of al-Tabari, is by common consent the most important universal history produced in the world of Islam. It has been translated here in its entirety for the first time for the benefit of non- Arabists, with historical and philological notes for those

interested in the particulars of the text.

Tabari's monumental work explores the history of the ancient nations,

with special emphasis on biblical peoples and prophets, the

legendary and factual history of ancient Iran, and, in great detail, the

rise of Islam, the life of the Prophet Muhammad, and the history of

the Islamic world down to the year 915. The first volume of this

translation will contain a biography of al-Tabari and a discussion of

the method, scope, and value of his work. It will also provide information

on some of the technical considerations that have guided the

work of the translators.

The History has been divided here into 38 volumes, each of which

covers about two hundred pages of the original Arabic text in the

Leiden edition. An attempt has been made to draw the dividing lines

between the individual volumes in such a way that each is to some

degree independent and can be read as such. The page numbers of

Preface

viii

the original in the Leiden edition appear on the margins of the trans-

lated volumes.

Each volume has an index of proper names. A general index volume

will follow the publication of the translation volumes.

Al-Tabari very often quotes his sources verbatim and traces the

chain of transmission ( isnad ) to an original source. The chains of

transmitters are, for the sake of brevity, rendered by only a dash ” )

between the individual links in the chain. Thus, According to Ibn

Humayd ” Salamah ” Ibn Ishaq means that al-Tabari received the

report from Ibn Humayd who said that he was told by Salamah, who

said that he was told by Ibn Ishaq, and so on. The numerous subtle

and important differences in the original Arabic wording have been

disregarded.

The table of contents at the beginning of each volume gives a brief

survey of the topics dealt with in that particular volume. It also includes

the headings and subheadings as they appear in al-Tabari's

text, as well as those occasionally introduced by the translators.

Well-known place-names, such as, for instance, Mecca, Baghdad,

Jerusalem, Damascus, and the Yemen, are given in their English

spellings, Less common place-names, which are the vast majority,

are transliterated. Biblical figures appear in the accepted English

spelling. Iranian names are usually transcribed according to their

Arabic forms, and the presumed Iranian forms are often discussed in

the footnotes.

Technical terms have been translated wherever possible, but

some, such as dirham and imam, have been retained in Arabic forms.

Others that cannot be translated with sufficient precision have been

retained and italicized as well as footnoted.

The annotation aims chiefly at clarifying difficult passages, identifying individuals and place-names, and discussing textual difficulties.

Much leeway has been left to the translators to include in the

footnotes whatever they consider necessary and helpful.

The bibliographies list all the sources mentioned in the annotation.

The index in each volume contains all the names of persons and

places referred to in the text, as well as those mentioned in the notes

Preface

IX

as far as they refer to the medieval period. It does not include the

names of modern scholars. A general index, it is hoped, will appear

after all the volumes have been published.

Ehsan Yar-Shater

Contents

*

Acknowledgements / v

Preface / vii

Translator's Foreword / xiii

An Account of the Persian kings who ruled the region at Baby-

lonia and the East after Kayqubadh / i

Kaykhusraw / 8

The Children of Israel after Solomon the son of David / 20

The story of Asa b, Abijah and Zerah the Indian / 21

The story of Isaiah's friend; the kings of the Children of Israel

and Sennacherib / 36

Account of Luhrasb and his son Bishtasb; the expedition of Ne-

buchadnezzar against the Israelites and how he destroyed

Jerusalem / 43

The Reason why Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem / 55

The story of Nebuchadnezzar's raid against the Arabs / 66

Returning to the story of Bishtasb, his reign and its events, initiated

by him as well as others, such as his governors; also the

deeds of Nebuchadnezzar / 71

Contents

xii

The kings of the Yaman in the days of Qabus and after him to

the Age of Bahman b. Isfandiyar / 78

Ardashir Bahman and his daughter Khumani / 8 1

The history of the Israelites and the synchronization of their

chronological data with those of the Persian kings / 8$

The account of Darius (Dara) the Elder and his son Darius the

Younger. The account of Alexander (Dhu al-Qarnayn) / 87

The Persians after Alexander / 96

The Arsacid (Ashaghan) kings / 99

The events that occurred during the rule of these regional

princes / 102

The story of Isa son of Mary and his mother / 1 1 2

The Roman rulers / 126

Hirah and Anbar / 128

'Amrb. Zarib / 138

Al-Zabba’ / 139

Tasm and Jadls / 15 1

The story of the Men of the Cave / 155

Jonah son of Amittai / 160

The sending by God of His three envoys / 167

The story of Samson / 17 1

The story of Jirjis / r73

Bibliography of Cited Works / 187

Index / 193

Translator's Foreword

*

The events of the present volume revolve around two major subjects: Iran, and the Hebrews after Solomon. Both of these subjects include data on the past of the Arabs (Anbar, HIrah and the fews in the Hijaz). Judaeo-Christian lore (Christ, the

Seven Sleepers, Saint George, Jonah, Samson) is set in the period of the obscure princelings who ruled between Alexander the Great and the rise of the Sasanian Empire. Not only does Tabari combine Arab and Iranian themes, but he attempts to synchronize them with the body of Judaeo-Christian lore. For information concerning the latter, the author relied on early Islamic authors, principally, Ibn al-Kalbi and Wahb b. Munabbih. Much of his data is derived from the Alexander Romance on the one hand, and on the other hand from a cycle of legend and

tradition that was later given artistic shape by Daqiqi and Firdawsi who flourished within a half century of his death.

M. P.

Los Angeles, California

An Account of the Persian Kings

who Ruled the Region

of Babylonia and the East

After Kayqubadh.

Kayqubadh b. Zagh b. Bujbah was followed by Kayqawus [1. The second part of this name is derived from ancient Iranian Kavi Usan, giving Qawus which sometimes occurs in Arabic and Persian sources as Qabus, with an additional and superfluous Kay. The latter is again derived from ancient Iranian Kavi, added in these cases as a title. For the title Kay, from the ancient form Kavi. The Arabic orthography of these names is retained throughout the translation. See Christensen, Kayanides, 43. On the person mentioned here see El 2 , s.v. Kay Kayanide`s, and Christensen, Kayanides, 73H., io8ff., where an analysis of the various ancient Iranian traditions reflected in Tabari's account will be found. A connected narrative of these legends, based mostly on the Shahnamah, may be seen in Spiegel, Etanische Alterthumskunde, I, s84ff.] b. Kayabiwah [1. See Justi, Iran Nb, 19L, s.v. Aipiwanhu.] b. Kayqubadh the king. It is reported that on the day he became king he said, "God accorded us the earth and whatever is in it that we might proceed upon it in obedience to Him." Report has it also that he slew a number of the powerful men of the lands around him; that he thwarted any infringement upon his land and subjects by the enemies around them; and that he lived in Balkh. [3. A late form of the name of ancient Bactria. See El 2 , s.v. Balkh.] A uniquely beautiful and perfectly formed son was bom to him, and was named Siyawakhsh . [4. Siyawakhsh, Siyawush: Some references will be found in El', s.v. Kayanides. See also Christensen, Kayanides, 79, 1 1 if.]

The king assigned and entrusted his son's training to Rustam [5. Rustam is derived from Middle Iranian Rod-stahm. See Mark wart, ZDMG, 49 (1895), 642; Christensen, Kayanides, I2iff., i3off.] al-Shadid b. Dastan b. Braman b. Hawarbak b. Karshasb b. Athrat b. Sahm b. Nariman, who was governor ( isbahbadh ) of Sijistan [6. Sijistan is ancient Sakastana, the land of the Saka tribes, also known in the Islamic period as Sistan. See El', IV, 456ft., and G. Gnoli, Richerche stoiiche

sul Sistan.] and the adjacent territory to the south. Rustam took charge of the prince, and they proceeded to Sijistan, with the prince remaining under his tutelage. Rustam assembled selected nurses and maids for the infant until he developed. Following that, Rustam selected teachers to instruct the child until he mastered horseback riding, and then to teach him chivalry until he became expert in the art. Finally, he brought him as an accomplished young man to Kayqawus, who examined him and found him efficient, nay outstanding, in every respect. The father rejoiced.

Kayqawus is said to have married the daughter of Frasiyat , [7. Frasiyat is a corruption of Frasiyab (sometimes written Afrasiyab), which in its turn is a late derivative of the ancient name Frangrasyan. See Christensen, Kayanides, 43, 6 1 ff . , 8 5 ff . ; El 2 , s.v. Afrasiyab; Enc. Iran., I, 5 7off ., s.v. Afrasiab.] the king of the Turks ,[ 8. According to the original legend he was a Turanian king, and therefore an enemy of Iran. Later, the early designation Turan was replaced anachronistically by a reference to the Turks.] others say she was the daughter of the king of the Yaman . [9. This remark contains an allusion to another story, according to which Su'dah, the daughter of the king of the Yaman, was married to Kay Qawus after the latter had suffered defeat by the Yemenite king, but was rescued by Rustam. See Christensen, Kayanides, no. ]  Her name was Sudhabah ,[10. Sudhabah is perhaps a derivative of Middle Persian Sudhabag. See Chris-

tensen, Kayanides, 62ft, noff. The name Sudhaba could conceivably be an

Iranized form of Su'da (which seems somewhat more likely in the present con-

text!.] and she was a sorceress. She became enamored of Siyawakhsh and made overtures to him, but he did not respond -” it would take too long to relate the story of these two. But finally, as I was told, when Sudhabah saw that Siyawakhsh was firm in his refusal to comply with her wish that he commit adultery with

his father's spouse, she made him hateful to his father. Siyawakhsh then asked Rustam to plead with his father to send him to fight Frasiyat because the latter withheld certain gifts (that had been) stipulated when he gave away his daughter in marriage to Kayqawus and concluded a peace between the two realms. Siyawakhsh thus intended to keep away from his father, Kayqawus, and the intrigue of his wife Sudhabah. Rustam, indeed, acted accordingly and asked Kayqawus to consent.

A substantial force was assigned to the son who then proceeded to the land of the Turks to meet Frasiyat. When Siyawakhsh reached him, a truce was concluded between them. Siyawakhsh reported to his father about the truce, but the father

ordered him to oppose Frasiyat and do combat with him, unless the latter submitted by fulfilling the previous stipulations. Siyawakhsh, however, considered that to follow his father's command and fight Frasiyat, after a truce and peace had been concluded and scrupulously observed by Frasiyat, would be

dishonorable, vicious and sinful. He therefore refrained from implementing his father's order in this matter. He was also apprehensive lest he again be approached by his father's spouse who had urged him to be with her, and whom he had spurned.

He was inclined to flee from his father, so he sent a message to Frasiyat asking for a guarantee of safe-conduct to enable him to leave his father and join Frasiyat, whereupon the latter agreed.

It is said that the legate between them was Firan [11. The Iranian form of this name is Piran, of the family of Wisag. See Christensen, Kayanides, 1 1 1 ; Markwart, Wehrot, 5 8n.] Wisaghan, a Turk of great standing. When Siyawakhsh did this, he was abandoned by the men of his father's army who set out to return to Rayqawus.

When Siyawakhsh reached Frasiyat, the latter received him with honor and gave him in marriage one of his daughters, Wisfafarid, [12. Wisfafarid is a corruption of Wispan-friya, which means "Beloved by all." See Christensen, Kayanides, in and n. 2. An alternative interpretation of the meaning of this name could be Middle Persian Wisp-afrid, which would mean either "Blessed by all (the deities]" or "(Worshiper of God,] the Creator of all." In some sources this name occurs as Farangis. See further Justis IranNb, 371, s.v. Wispan-friya; Enc. Iran., I, 573b. ] the mother of Kaykhusrawanh. [13. Kay-Khusraw is intended. His name, Haosravah, is spelled here in anarchaizing manner. See Christensen, Kayanides, 9off. ; El 1 , s.v. Kay-Khusraw.] Not only was Siyawakshs held in esteem, but his training and good sense, his expertness, and his chilvary and bravery made such an impact on Frasiyat that he became apprehensive concerning his own kingship. This alienated him from Siyawakhsh, especially as two sons of Frasiyat and a brother of his, Kidar [14. Kidar is a corruption of Kedan. See Christensen, Kayanides, in. His other name was Karsewaz.] b. Fashinjan, [15. Fashinjan, the father of Kedan and of Frasiyab, was Pashang. See Christensen, Kayanides, 85; Enc. Iran., I, S7r. ] became envious and apprehensive for their kingdom. Finally Frasiyat allowed them to kill Siyawakhsh.

A long story is told concerning the cause of their decision to kill him. In any case, they killed him and mutilated him while his spouse, the daughter of Frasiyat, was pregnant with his son  Kaykhasrawanh. They also sought a way to induce an abortion but did not succeed.

Firan, who brought about the peace between Frasiyat and Siyawakhsh, learned that Frasiyat had caused Siyawahkhsh's assassination, and he disapproved of it. He threatened Frasiyat with the consequences of his treachery, and warned him that Kayqawus and Rustam would avenge the death of Siyawakhsh.

He urged Frasiyat to hand over his daughter Wisfafarid, so that she might stay with him until her child was born and slain; whereupon Frasiyat complied. But when she gave birth to the child, Firan had pity on her and the newborn child. He failed to slay the infant and concealed the matter until the child grew up. Kayqawus is said to have sent Bayy [16. The ancient form of this name is Wew. A common form which occurs in the texts is Geew. See Markwart, ZDMG, 49 (1895), 642; Christensen, Kayanides, 59, in, and index under Gew.] b. Judharz [17. The Iranian form of the name is Godarz. See references in the preceding

note. ] to the land of the Turks to inquire about the child born to the spouse of his son Siyawakhsh and, if successful in his inquiry, to bring the child (back with him). Bayy appeared (in the land of the Turks) for that purpose. Incognito, he continued inquiring into the matter for some time without obtaining any information or leads from anybody. But later he found out about the child, and

by a ruse he succeeded in getting both mother and child out of the land of the Turks to Kayqawus. They say that when Kayqawus learned of the assassination of his son, he summoned a number of his leading warchiefs, among them Rustam b.

Dastan al-Shadid and  Tus [18. Tos is the Avestan Tusa. Christensen, Kayanides, 58!.],b. Nawdharan . [19. On this name see below, n. 105.] These two were men of vigor and valor.

The Persians exhausted the Turks by slaying and capturing them, while engaging Frasiyat in intense combat. Rustam personally killed Shahr and Shahrah , [20. The name of Frasiyab's son according to the Shahnamah is Surkhah. See

Enc. Iran., I, 573b; Justi, Iran Nb, 293, s.v. Sedah, suggests that this name

should be emended to read Shedah. However, Tabari, 61 s, reports that the lat-

ter survived the attacks of Frasiyat.] the two sons of Frasiyat while Tus with his own hand killed Kidar, Frasiyat's brother.

They say that the devils were at the service of Kayqawus. Some scholars well versed in the history of the ancients assert that the devils who were subservient to him submitted to him by the order of Solomon the son of David, and that Kayqawus ordered the devils to build a city which he named Kaykadar or Qayqadur. It was, they contend, eight hundred farsakh (4800km) in length . [21. One farsakh equals three mil or approximately six kms. See El 2 , s.v. farsakh. ] By his order they set up around it a series of walls made of yellow brass, brass, copper, fired clay, silver and gold. The devils carried it between heaven and earth,

with all the animals, treasures, wealth and people that it contained.

They mention that Kayqawus would not talk while he ate and drank . [22. This behavior conforms to the precepts of Zoroastrianism. ] Later, Almighty God sent to the city that Kayqawus had thus built, someone who would destroy it. Kayqawus ordered his devils to prevent the man from destroying the city but they were unable to do so. When Kayqawus saw that the devils were unable to protect the city, he turned against them, and slew their chieftains. Kayqawus was victorious over any king who opposed him. So it went until he became worried about the glory and the kingship granted to him, and he no longer partook of anything unless it reached him by ascent to heaven.

Hisham b. Muhammad related: [23. See El 2 , s.v. Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbi, and al-Kalbi. ] Kayqawus arrived in Babylon from Khurasan [24. See El 2 , s.v. Khurasan. The term was used rather generally for the eastern regions of Iran. The original meaning of the term is "land of the rising sun." ] and said, "The whole earth is in my possession; now I must learn about heaven and the planets and what is beyond them." God granted him strength to rise in the air with his retinue until they reached the clouds; then God deprived them of that strength, and they fell downwards and perished, and the king alone escaped. Thus a new stage began, and his kingship went awry. The earth was torn among many kings on the fringes, and raids by and against him followed; sometimes he was victorious, at other times he was defeated.

Kayqawus attacked the land of the Yaman [25. See El, s.v. al-Yaman.] which was ruled in those days by Dhu al-Adh'ar b. Abrahah Dhu al-Manar b. al-Ra’ish. [26. On this episode see Christensen, Kayanides, no.] When Kayqawus arrived in the Yaman, Dhu al- Adh'ar b. Abrahah marched against him. He had been struck by semiparalysis, and was not in the habit of leading a raid in person before that. But when Kayqawus advanced against Dhu al- Adh'ar and plundered his land, the latter personally marched out (against him) with a force of the Himyar and the descendents of Qahtan. [27. The references to Himyar and Qahtan denote South Arabian associations. Qahtan was the fictitious ancestor of all the South Arabian tribes. See El 2 , s.v. Kahtan.] He defeated Kayqawus and took him prisoner, while destroying his army. He kept him imprisoned in an encased well.

Hisham also reports that a powerful man named Rustam had come out of Sijistan with his cohort. The Persians asserted that he had attacked the Yaman and extricated Qabus, that is Kayqawus, from his prison. The people of the Yaman assert that when word reached Dhu al-Adh'ar that Rustam was approaching, he marched against him with his forces and equipment. Each side established a defensive perimeter around its camp.

Both leaders were worried about the fate of their respective armies, and feared that if they clashed no one would survive.

They agreed therefore that Kayqawus was to be handed over to Rustam, and that warfare was to be abandoned. Rustam and Kayqawus then departed for Babylon. Kayqawus granted Rustam freedom from slavery to the king, endowed him with the fiefs of Sijistan and Zabulistan, [28. The highlands of the Kandahar country in Afghanistan. See LeStrange, Lands, 334. ] gave him a gold-woven qalansuwah , [29. A headgear with a high conic shape, often worn in Islamic times by

highly placed persons such as caliphs, wazirs and qadis. See Dozy, Vetements,

3^5 — 37 *- ] crowned him, and ordered that he sit on a silver throne with legs of gold. That land remained in the hands of Rustam down to the death of Kayqawus and for a long time thereafter. He reigned for 150 years.

Persian scholars assert that the first to mourn by wearing black was Shadus [30. For Shadus, see Justi, Iran Nb, 294, s.v. Sedos, who assumes that the name contains an imalah, i.e., a change of the first vowel from -a- to -e-. ] b. Judharz who mourned for Siyawakhsh. He did this on the day Kayqawus learned of his son's death the victim of a treacherous assassination by Frasiyat. Wearing

black, Shadus came to Kayqawus and announced to him that he did so because it was a day of darkness and blackness.

Ibn al-Kalbi's report that the ruler of the Yaman captured Qabus is verified by a poem of al-Hasan b. Hani [31. That is the famous poet of the 'Abbasid period, Abu Nuwas, who died ca. 200 (81 s). See Ef, s.v. Abu Nuwas. ]

Qabus spent the hot season in our chains for seven years, enough for one to compute them.

Kaykhusraw

*

After Kayqawus, his grandson Kaykhusraw, the son of Siyawakhsh b. Kayqawus b. Kayabiwah b. Kayqubadh became king. When Bayy b. Judharz brought him and his mother Wisfafarld (she is often referred to as Wasfafrah), the daughter of Frasiyat, from the land of the Turks to Kayqawus, the latter made him king. When Kaykhusraw followed his grandfather Kayqawus as ruler and was crowned, he delivered an eloquent speech to his subjects in which he announced that he would seek to avenge the blood of his father Siyawakhsh upon Frasiyat the Turk.

Then he wrote to Judharz, the general, who was in Isbahan and the regions of Khurasan, ordering him to appear before him.

When Judharz arrived, the king informed him of his decision to avenge the murder of his father. He instructed him to review the army, select thirty thousand men, attach them to Tus b. Nudharan, and to send the latter with them to the land of the Turks. Judharz carried out the order and joined Tus. Among those who came with him were Burzafrah [32. Burzafrah (or Burz-farrah) occurs in some traditions as Fariburz. See Justi, Iran Nb, 73, s.v. Burzafrah; Bal'amI, Ta'rikh, 603 n.i. For the alternative reading Burzafarrah see the name Barzaphames in Justi, Iran Nb, 65; Christensen, Kayanides, ns n.3.] b. Kayqawus, the paternal uncle of Kaykhusraw, Bayy b. Judharz, and a large number of his brothers. Kaykhusraw instructed Tus to pursue Frasiyat and his warlords but not through the Turkish territory where Furudh [33. Possibly to be read Farudh. See Justi, Iran Nb, 99; Christensen, Kayanides, 115, where the name is read Frod.] b. Siyawakhsh lived; he was a brother of Kaykhusraw  born to a mother called Burzafarid, [34. See Justi, Iran Nb, 73.] a woman Siyawakhsh had married in a Turkish town on his way to Frasiyat. Later Siyawakhsh left her while she was with child. She gave birth to Furudh, and he grew up in this town. They say that Tus committed a fatal error: namely, when he was near the city in which Furudh dwelled somehow hostilities broke out between them. In the course of these hostilities Furudh perished. When the news reached Kaykhusraw, he wrote a harsh note to his uncle Burzafrah telling him that Tus b. Nudharan had fought his (that is Kaykhusraw's) brother Furudh.

Tus was to be delivered in chains and shackles, and Burzafrah was to take over the command of the army. When the message reached Burzafrah, he gathered the military commanders, read them the order to put Tus in chains, and dispatched him with trustworthy messengers to Kaykhusraw. Burzafrah took over the army command and crossed the river known as Kasrud. [35. The name, which should probably be read Kasa(g)-rod, is identified by Markwart, Wehrot, 5, with present-day Kashaf-rud. See also lusti, Der Bundehesh, 205, s.v. Kasp; Spiegel, Eranische Alterthumskunde, I, 627f] When Frasiyat learned of this, he sent some of his brothers and warlords against Burzafrah. They met at Washin [36. Washin may be the place often referred to in the Arabic geographical works as Washjird or Weshjird. A discussion of its location is in Markwart, Wehrot, 54ff.] in the land of the Turks. Among them were Firan b. Wisaghan and his brothers, Tarasf [37. For Tarasf, or better Tarasp, see Justi, Iran Nb, 322.] b. Judharz, Frasiyat 's brother-in-law, and Hamasf [38. Hamasf, or better Hamasp, is possibly a corruption of Hamazasp, a well- attested Iranian name. See Justi, Iran Nb, 124 ff.] b. Fashinjan. They fought a furious engagement. As Burzafrah perceived the seriousness of the situation and the great number of dead, he lost courage, and retreated with the banner to the mountains. The Judharz clan became confused, and in that massacre seventy of them were slaughtered in one battle. Many were killed on both sides. Burzafrah and his retinue left for Kaykhusraw. So disturbed and stricken were they that they wished they were dead. They were also in terror of chastisement. When they came before Kaykhusraw, he began to upbraid Burzafrah violently and said, "You were deceived because you disobeyed my order; contravening a royal command brings misfortune and causes regret." So grievous were Kaykhusraw's words that Burzafrah was pained and could neither eat nor sleep.

A few days after their arrival, Kaykhusraw sent for Judharz. When he entered, Kaykhusraw displayed compassion. Then Judharz complained of Burzafrah, stating that it was Burzafrah who had caused the flight with the banner and the desertion of his (Judharz's) sons. Kaykhusraw then said, "Your loyal service

to our ancestors has been continuous; our troops and treasuries are at your disposal in the pursuit of revenge." He ordered Judharz to prepare and ready himself to march against Frasiyat in order to slay him and lay his country desolate.

When Judharz heard what Kaykhusraw said, he rose at once, kissed his hand and said, "O victorious King, we are your subjects and slaves. Should a calamity or accident occur, may it be upon the slaves, not upon the king, and may my slain sons be a sacrifice for you. We shall wreak vengeance upon Frasiyat, avenging ourselves upon the kingdom of the Turks. May the king not be troubled by what occurred and let him not abandon his pleasure, for warfare is subject to turns of fortune." He assured the king that he was in full control and left content.

The next day Kaykhusraw summoned the commanders of his armies and the notables of the realm, and when they arrived he told them of his decision to fight the Turks. He wrote to the governors (‘ummal ) of the provinces informing them thereof and ordering them to present themselves at an appointed time in the steppe called Shah Ustun [39. Bal'ami, Tarikh, 605, gives Shah-Sir. ] in the Balkh region. The military chieftains arrived at the place, as did Kaykhusraw with his generals ( isbahbadh ) and their men. Among them was his paternal uncle Burzafrah with his clan, and Judharz with his remaining sons. When everything was ready for war, the marzbans [40. The term marzban designated some kind of highly placed official in the Sasanian period, and is here used in a loose sense for the mythological period.

See Kolesnikov, Palestinskij Sbomik, 27 {1981), 49-56; Ph. Gignoux, JSA 1 , 4

(1984), 1-29.] were assembled, Kaykhusraw personally reviewed the army so that he might know their numbers and positions. Then he called* Judharz b. Jashwadghan [41. See Justi, Iran Nb, 114, s.v. Ge§wad; Noldeke, Das iraniscbe Nationalepos, 8. ] and Milad [42. Milad is a form of the Iranian name Mihrdad. See Markwart, ZDMG (1 895 ), 633 ff. This and some of the adjoining names indicate the Parthian provenance of certain elements in these heroic stories. See Markwart, op. cit., ] b. Jurjin [43. Jurjin is the same name as Armenian Wrken. See Markwart, ZDMG, 49 (1895), 634 n. 3; lusti, Iran Nb, 355, s.v. Warkaina.] and .Aghas [44. For this name see Justi, Iran Nb, 7, s.v. Aghus.] b. Bihdhan. [45. Perhaps a corruption of Iranian Weh-dadan (or else of Weh-den). See Justi,

Iran Nb, 360, s.v. Wehadan.] Aghas was the son of a lady-in-waiting under Siyawakhsh; she was called Shumahan. [46. The name is not clear. See Justi, Iran Nb, 314.]

The king told them that he wanted the troops to enter the territory of the Turks from four directions to surround them on land and on water, and that Judharz had been put in charge of most of the troops. The assault was launched from Khurasan

by those (troops) under his uncle Burzafrah and Bayy b. Judharz, and a great number of commanders were attached to Judharz. The king handed over to him on that day the great banner which they called dirafsh-e-Kabyan .[ 47. The actual meaning of the term is "the banner of the Kavians." See Christensen, Sassanides, 212. ] They say that the banner had never before been handed by any king to any general, but princes used to carry it when entrusted with grave missions. He ordered Miladh to enter from a spot adjacent to China, and assigned to him a large number of troops, apart from those assigned to Judharz. The king ordered Aghas to enter from the side of the Khazars [48. That is from the Caucasus and, later, Central Asia. See El 2 , s.v. Khazar.] with a force equal to that given Miladh. To Shumahan he assigned her brothers and nephews and fully thirty thousand men, and ordered her to enter on a road between the paths of Judharz and Miladh. They say that Kaykhusraw drew Shumahan into the campaign because of her connection with Siyawakhsh, whose blood she had vowed to avenge. All these marched ahead. Judharz entered the land of the Turks from the direction of Khurasan, clashing first with Firan b. Wisghan. A fierce battle ensued, in which Bizan [49. The name Bizan is a reflection of Iranian Wew-zana, meaning "of the

family of Wew." See Markwart, ZDMG, 69 (189s), 642. If this interpretation is

correct, Bizan means the same thing as "son of Bayy" which follows in the

text. ] b. Bayy slew Khuman [50. The older form of the name Khuman is probably Homan, derived from the name of the haoma plant, sacred to the ancient Iranians. See justi, Iran Nb , I 3 a - ] b. Wisghan in single combat; also, Judharz killed Firan, and then went for Frasiyat. The three armies pressed upon him, each from the direction where it had entered, and the great mass followed Kaykhusraw

himself. Following in the direction of Judharz, the king made his entry (into the land of the Turks) and reached the army of Judharz. He led an onslaught upon the Turks, slew Firan, the leading general of Frasiyat and heir to the throne, as well as

many of his brothers, such as Khuman, Ostahan, [51. The name of this person occurs as Nastihan in the Shahnamah. In the Pahlavi account this person's name could be read Khwastirikht, but this reading is uncertain. See Justi, Iran Nb, 52, s.v. Ausahr; 182, s.v. Xwast-irixt; 226, s.v. Nastihen. ]  Julbad, [52. In the Shahnamah the form attested is Gulbad. See Justi, Iran Nb, 119, s.v. Gulbad.] Siyamaq, [53. See Justi, Iran Nb, 299. ] Bahram, [54. In the Shahnamah the name of this person is Barman. See Justi, Iran Nb, 64, s.v. Barman.] Farashkhadh [55. In the Shahnamah his name is FarSidward; the Middle Persian form may

have been Frasaward. The Avestan name which may be identified here is

FraShamvareta. See Justi, Iran Nb, 104. ] and Farakhlad. [56. Possibly Farrukhlad. The form in the Shahnamah is Lahhak. See Justi, Iran Nb, 96, s.v. Farruxlad; 183, s.v. Lawahak.] He also slew some sons of his, such as Ruyin [57. The name Ruyin means "brazen". See Justi, Iran Nb, 267.] b. Firan, who was a dignitary ( muqaddam ) of Frasiyat, and several brothers of Frasiyat, among them Zandaray, [58. Zandaray may correspond to the name Zangulah in the Shahnamah. See Justi, Iran Nb, 379, s.v. Zandalan.] Andirman, [59. The name Andirman corresponds to Avestan VandaremainiS. In the Shahnamah it is spelled Andariman. See Justi, Iran Nb, 347, s.v. Wandaremaini§; Christensen, Kayanides, 25; Darmesteter, Etudes Iraniennes, II, 228f.] Isfakhram  [60. The older Iranian form of Isfakhram is Spahram. See Justi, Iran Nb, 307.]and Akhust . [61. The form of this name in the Shahnamah i9 Axwast. See Justi, Iran Nb,

13. ] He took prisoner Barwa  [62. Possibly the same name as attested under the form Parwa in the Sasanian period. See Justi, Iran Nb, 244. For Fashinjan, see above, n. 15. ] b. Fashinjan, the assassin of Siyawakhsh. He found that Judharz had counted the dead and the captives, and the booty in animals and valuables,- the count was thirty thousand captives, over five hundred sixty thousand slain, and animals, silver and valuables which were beyond reckoning.

The commander ordered each chieftain who was with him to place his Turkish prisoner or victim near his banner, so that Kaykhusraw might see them upon his arrival. When Kaykhusraw reached the troops and the battleground, the men lined up, and Judharz and the other generals received him. Upon entering the camp, he began to pass by the banners, and the first corpse he saw was that of Firan next to the banner of Judharz. When he saw it, he stopped, then said, "O hard-sheltered

mountain of slopes impregnable, did I not warn you of this war, and of setting yourself in our path? All to protect Frasiyat in this pursuit. Did I not exert great effort for your sake? Did I not seek to offer my kingship to you? But you made a fatal choice.

Was I not truthful, the protector of brethren, the keeper of se-crets? Did I not warn you of Frasiyat 's cunning, of how little he valued loyalty? But you did not do what I commanded you to do; you proceeded with your dream until lions surrounded you to keep you from fighting us and the sons of our kingdom.

What good was Frasiyat to you? You departed from this world, and brought to an end the line of WIsghan. Woe to your reason and understanding; woe to your generosity and truthfulness. We are truly grieved today by what has happened to you."

Kaykhusraw continued to lament Firan until he arrived at the banner of Bayy b. Judharz. When he stopped there, he found Barwa b. Fashinjan alive, a prisoner in the hands of Bayy. Upon learning that it was Barwa who had mutilated Siyawakhsh after murdering him, Kaykhusraw came close to him, bowed his

head and prostrated himself in gratitude to God. He then said, "Praise to God who enabled me to seize you, O Barwa. You are the man who slew Siyawakhsh and mutilated him; you are the one who took away his finery. You, of all the Turks, undertook his destruction; you planted by your deed this tree of hostility, stirred up between us this war, kindled in both parties a burning fire. Through your hands his shape was changed and his strength sapped. O Turk, did you not stand in awe of his beauty? Why did you not leave the rising light upon his face? Where are your courage and strength today? Where is your brother the magician who failed to help you? I shall not slay you for having slain him, but for volunteering for the evil deed that you should not have committeBd. I shall kill him who, in wickedness and crime, slew Siyawakhsh." Then he ordered that Barwa's limbs be cut off while Barwa was still alive, and only after that should he be slain; which was carried out by Bayy.

BATAS HALAMAN

Kaykhusraw continued from banner to banner, from general to general ( isbahbadh ). As he reached each one, he would say something like the aforementioned remarks. Then he arrived at his campsite. When he settled down there, he summoned his uncle Burzafrah, and when the man entered, the king seated him at his right, and expressed his satisfaction that Burzafrah

had slain Julbadh b. Wisaghan in single combat. He richly rewarded Burzafrah, making him ruler of the regions of Kirman [63. On the province of Kirman in Islamic times see LeStrange, Lands , 299ft., and El 2 .] and Mukran . [64. On the province of Mukran (Makran) in Islamic times see LeStrange, Lands, 329ft., and El 2 . ] Then he summoned Judharz, and when the latter entered, the king said to him, "O faithful general, kind and mature, this mighty victory is indeed due first to our God, without any stratagem or power on our part; then to your devotion to our interest and to your readiness to sacrifice yourself and your sons. This we have on record. We grant you the title of buzurjframadhar , [65. On the title buzurjframadhai, which literally means "the great commander," see Christensen, Sassanides, 5 i8ff., and Ndldeke, Geschichte, 9 n.2.] which is the wazlr's office, and we assign to you Isbahan [66. On this town see El 2 , s.v. Isfahan; LeStrange, Lands , 102H.] and furjan [67. On the Islamic province of furjan, which is equivalent to the modern  province Astarabadh, see El 2 , s.v. Gurgan, and Astarabadh; LeStrange, Lands, 376ff.] and their mountains.

Take good care of their people." Judharz gave thanks, and left content and happy.

The king then summoned the outstanding generals who had been with Judharz and distinguished themselves, those who were responsible for the slaying of the Turkish tarkhans , [68. tarkhan is a title used in Islamic times for a Turkish nobleman or prince. Its use in this context is of course an anachronism, like most of the titles of office and many of the geographical names. ] the progeny of Fashinjan and Wisghan. These generals included Jurjin  [69. For this name see above, n. 43] b. Miladhan, Bayy, Shadus, Lakham, [70. In the Shahnamah Lakham is Ruhham. See Justi, Iran Nb, 257, s.v. Raham.] Jadmir [71. Jadmir is possibly the same person who is named in the Shahnamah, Katmarah (see the note to the Leiden edition in this place).] b. Judharz, Bizan b. Bayy, Burazah b. BIfaghan, [72. Burazah b. BIfaghan is the person called in the Shahnamah Gurazah sar tukhma-i Giwagan (see note to the Leiden edition on these words). See Justi, Iran Nb, 349, s.v. Warazaka. The patronymic of this person is a reflection of the name Gewag, related to the name Wew already encountered here (see above, n. 16). ] Farudhah b. Famdan, [73. Both the personal name and the patronymic are uncertain as to their reading as well as their meaning. The latter may be read perhaps Qamdan and be regarded as a corruption of Kam-den, a name which may mean a person "whose religion is (according to) desire," i.e., the desire of God. See Justi, Iran Nb, 99, s.v. Ferudeh. ] Zandah b. Shaburlghan, [74. The reading of the first name is doubtful. In the Shahnamah the form is

Zanga, and the father's name is given as Shawaran. The confusion has been at-

tributed to the ambiguities of the Pahlavi script, where d and g have the same

shape. This implies that the Islamic recensions used by Tabari and Firdawsi

were based on a reading of the stories written in Pahlavi script. If the correct

reading is with d, the first name means "living", and gives a fairly late form of

the word, zinda. The father's name, Shaburlghan, is apparently related to the

widely attested name Sha(h)pu(h)r, which means "king's son, prince." See the

note to the Leiden edition, and Justi, Iran Nb, 38s, s.v. Zengeh, and 386, s.v.

Zindeh. ] Bistam b. Kazdahman, [75. In the Shahnamah the name occurs as Gustaham son of Gazhdaham. The older form of the first name was Wistaxma. See Justi, Iran Nb, 371, s.v. Wistaxma, and 114, s.v. Gezdehem.] and Fartah b. Tafaraghan. [76. In the Shahnamah the first name is Parta, probably to be derived from the word for battle, Old Iranian parta-. The patronymic is uncertain. It has the form Tawanah in the Shahnamah, while in the Tabari manuscripts it has the

 form Faraghan. See the annotation in the Leiden edition and Justi, Iran Nb ,

244, s.v. Parteh. ] They entered one by one. Some were appointed to rule the celebrated lands, some were assigned to court duties. Soon he received messages from Miladh, Aghaas and Shumahan indicating that they had attacked the land of the Turks, and had put Frasiyat's armies to flight one after the other. He wrote them that they should persevere in warfare, and meet him at an appointed place within the land of the Turks.

They say that when the four armies surrounded Frasiyat, and he learned of the havoc that death and capture had wrought in his ranks and of the destruction of his land, he was in dire straits; of all his sons only Shidah, [77. For this Iranian name, which means "resplendent", see Justi, Iran Nb, 293L, s.v. Sedah. ] who was a sorcerer, remained with him. Frasiyat sent him well prepared and equipped to Kaykhusraw. When Shidah reached Kaykhusraw, the latter was informed that Shidah had been sent by his father, Frasiyat, to make an attempt on his life. Kaykhusraw therefore gathered his generals, and cautioned them to be on guard against Shidah's design. It is said that Kaykhusraw was apprehensive of Shidah that day. He feared him, and believed himself helpless against him; it is also said that the battle between them continued for four days, and that one of Kaykhusraw 's retinue, Jurd b. Jarhaman [78. The reading is uncertain. See Justi, Iran Nb, 111, s.v. Gurd.] by name, aligned Kaykhusraw 's men in the best battle order. Many were slain from the opposing armies; the men of the world { khunyarth ) [79. This word, usually spelled xnyrO, is the Arabic transcription of the Iranian term Xvanirath, which denotes the central clime, or region, of the world, where human habitation is concentrated. The phrase here is likely to mean simply "the men of the world." The phrasing in Arabic seems in this case to be taken from a composition which bears the marks of style of heroic poetry. For the concept of Khvanirath, see Christensen, Sassanides, 164.] fought fiercely and defiantly. Shidah, certain that he could not overcome them, fled, pursued by Kaykhusraw and his men. Jurd overtook Shidah and struck him on the head with a mace from which he fell dead. Kaykhusraw stood over the dead body, eyeing it in its abominable ugliness. The army of the Turks became Kaykhusraw's booty. The news reached Frasiyat, who then advanced with all his tarkhans. When Frasiyat and Kaykhusraw met, a ferocious battle erupted, the like of which, it may be said, has never before been fought upon the earth. The men of the guard

and the Turks mingled, and the battle continued until all the eye could see was a stream of blood. Judharz and his sons, Jurjin, Jurd, and Bistam were taken prisoner. Frasiyat noticed they were defending Kaykhusraw like ferocious lions, whereupon he fled. It is reported that the number of the slain that day reached a hundred thousand. Kaykhusraw and his men persisted in the pursuit of Frasiyat. The latter, stripped of arms, fled from country to country until he came to Adharbayjan, [80. For this area in northwestern Iran see El 2 and Enc. Iran., s.v.] where he hid in a body of water known as Bi’r Khasif. [81. Not identified. Khasav-yurt, a river in the Khazar country, is unsuitable in this context. ] Then he was apprehended. When Kaykhusraw arrived, he made sure to have Frasiyat put in irons. After three days', he summoned Frasiyat, and asked him what his excuse was in the matter of Siyawakhsh. But Frasiyat had neither excuse, nor argument. Whereupon Kaykhusraw gave the order that he be put to death.

Bayy b. fudharz arose and slew Frasiyat as Frasiyat had slain Siyawakhsh. His blood was brought to Kaykhusraw who dipped his hand into it, and said, "This is in blood vengeance for Siyawakhsh, and because you wronged him and outraged

him." Victorious, successful and content, he left Adharbayjan. It is reported that some of the sons of Kayabiwah, [82. See above, n. 2.] the great-grandfather of Kaykhusraw, and their sons, were with Kaykhusraw in the battle against the Turks. Among them were Kay Arash [83. The ancient form of the name was Arsham, which means "man, a male animal." See Justi, Iran Nb, 19H., s.v. ArSam. ] b. Kayabiwah, who was in charge of Khuzistan [84. See LeStrange, Lands, 231ft., and El 2 , s.v.] and the adjacent land of Babylonia, and Kay Bih Arash, [85. This name seems to be a reflection of the Old Iranian name Vanghu-

ArSya, attested in the Avesta. See justi, Iran Nb, 347, s.v. Wanhu-Argya. Justi

does not quote the form occurring here.] who was in charge of Kirman and its environs. Also with him was Kay Oji b. Kay Manush [86. On the varieties of the spellings of Kay-Oji (Kayuji), see Justi, Iran Nb, 23iff. For Kay-Manush, see op. cit. 191.] b. Kay Fashin [87. The ancient form of the name is Pisina, attested in YaSt 13:131. See Justi, Iran Nb, 2S2f. ] b. Kayabiwah. This Kay Oji was the father of King Kay Luhrasf. [88. This name is a late rendering of the ancient Iranian name Arvat-Aspa. See the material collected by Justi, Iran Nb , 4 if., s.v. Aurwadaspa, and 183 for his remarks on the form Luhrasp. ] It is said that a brother of Frasiyat, Kay Sharasf [89. Kay-Sharasf is probably to be read Shawasf, according to some of the variants listed in the Leiden edition. This name is a reflection of Ancient Iranian Syavaspa, which means "a possessor of black horses." See Justi, Iran Nb, 300, s.v. Syawaspa.] by name, went to the land of the Turks after his brother was put to death by Kaykhusraw, and seized power there. He had a son called Kharzasf, [90. This is possibly a corruption of the name Arjasp, Old Iranian Arjataspa. See Justi, Iran Nb, 2 if.] who reigned after him and who was an arrogant tyrant. He was the nephew of Frasiyat, the king of the Turks who had fought Manushihr. [91. The name occurs in an earlier part of Tabari's account, 430 and 432. See Justi, IranNb, 191-193. ] Judharz was the son of Jashwadaghan [92. See above, n.41. ] b. Basakhrah [93. The reading is uncertain. See Justi, Iran Nb, 67, s.v. Besaxrah. ] b. Farruyin [94. The reading is uncertain. See Justi, Iran Nb, 96, Farruxln.] b. Jabar [95. The reading is uncertain. See Justi, Iran Nb, 106.] b. Raswud [96. See Justi, Iran Nb, 340!. He prefers the variant reading Wasud, which he connects to the well-attested late Persian name Wahsud, which means "of good benefit."] b. Urath [97. Of the several variants, the reading Urath, for Old Iranian HuraBya, is probably to be preferred. See Justi, Iran Nb, 133, s.v. Hurath.] b. Taj [98. The reading is problematic. See Justi, Iran Nb, 323, s.v. Taz,] b. Rabasang [99. On this doubtful name see Justi, Iran Nb, 27, s.v. Arpas.] b. Aras [100. This name occurs as Harasf above, in Tabari I, $30. On the other forms of this name, see Justi, Iran Nb, 126, s.v. Harasp. ] b. Wedinaj [101. Possibly a reflection of the Avestan name Vahudaena, which means "an

adherent of the Good Religion" (or alternatively, "one whose inner religion is

good”). See Justi, Iran Nb, 347, s.v. Wanghudaena.] b. Raghar [102 Raghar occurs earlier in Tabari, I, 530 as Aranj. The reading is extremely doubtful. See Justi, Iran Nb, 257; s.v. Raghar. ] b. Nawadjah [103. Nawadjah is possibly a corruption of Nawadgaw, a name which apparently means "possessor of ninety cows." See Justi, Iran Nb, 227, s.v. Nawadgaw. ] b. Mashwagh [104. See Justi, Iran Nb, 200, s.v. Maswak. ] b. Nawdhar [105. The Old Iranian form of this name is Nautara, which means "junior". See Justi, Iran Nb, 226 f., s.v. Nautara; Noldeke, Das iranische Nationalepos, 8 and n. 8. See also above, n. 19.] b. Manushihr.

After Kaykhusraw avenged himself and felt secure in his realm, he renounced his kingship and became an ascetic. He announced to the notables of his people and to the nation at large that he was going to relinquish power. They were overcome with anxiety, and their estrangement from him grew.

They appealed to him, beseeched and implored him, and sought to persuade him to continue to direct their kingdom.

But their effort was in vain. When they despaired, they all said, "If you persist in your intention, name a man to whom you would entrust the realm. Luhrasb was present. Kaykhusraw pointed to him and announced that he was his choice and heir. Luhrasb accepted the legacy, and the people flocked to him. Kaykhusraw disappeared. Some say that Kaykhusraw absented himself for acts of devotion, and it is not known where or how he died. Some tell other stories. Luhrasb assumed power and conducted the realm as he saw fit.

The children of Kaykhusraw were Jamas, [106. The Old Iranian form of this name is Jamaspa. See Justi, hanNb, 109.] Asabahar, Rami and Ramin. [107. See Justi, Iran Nb, 158, for the last two names.] He reigned for sixty years.