Neoliberalism Part 2
On 28 September 1973, the New York City headquarters of the US manufacturing company, International
Telephone & Telegraph ( ITT), was bombed by the Weather Underground for the alleged
involvement of the company in the overthrow of
Allende. ITT, named by Charles
Higham in Trading With the Enemyamong the companies that formed the
“Fraternity,” had a history of supporting
Nazi regimes. Walter Schellenberg, head of the Foreign Intelligence
section of the Sicherheitsdienst(SD),
the intelligence agency of the SS, was named to
ITT’s German Board of Directors on which he remained for the duration of
the war, paid by the home
office in New York. 24 ITT, which was
established in Chile, was at risk
because “the Chilean telephone system was high on Allende’s list for nationalization.”25 In
1970, ITT Corporation owned 70% of
Chitelco, the Chilean Telephone Company and funded El Mercurioa Chilean right-wing
newspaper. Declassified documents
released by the CIA in 2000 suggest that ITT financially helped opponents of Salvador
Allende’s government prepare a military coup. 26 ITT offered financial support for any action by the US to oppose
Salvador Allende.27 Before
Allende’s election, ITT channeled
$700,000 to Allende’s opponent Jorge
Allesandri, and used the advice of the
CIA on how to channel this money safely. 28 They also compiled a list of
leading US corporations in Chile in
February, 1970, and through John McCone,
who had been CIA director from 1961 to
1965, and was now on the ITT board, ITT
president Harold Geneen offered $1 million to the CIA to help defeat Allende.29
Acting CIA Director Richard
Helms bluntly lied to the Senators when he denied that the CIA had attempted to prevent the leftist Allende from being elected President of Chile, claiming, “I had to sign off on all
these projects—I would have known.” When
the lie was discovered Helms had to
resign as Director of the CIA in
February 1973, and was fined the amount
of $2,000 by the US Senate for perjury.
After the coup, Pinochet
established a military dictatorship that ruled
Chile until 1990, which was marked by numerous human rights violations against a weak
insurgent movement that was maintained by elements sympathetic to Allende. In
1975, Friedman accepted the invitation
of a private foundation to visit Chile
and speak on principles of “economic freedom.” Friedman met with Pinochet and
advised him with a letter that listed a series of monetary and fiscal measures deemed to end
hyperinflation and promote a
market economy. It became
known as the “ Chicago School” revolution because Chilean graduates of
Friedman’s University of Chicago and
its new local chapters had been appointed to important positions in the new
government soon after the coup, and advised
Pinochet on its neoliberal
policies. Friedman predicted that his shock treatment would provoke
psychological reactions in the public that would “facilitate the adjustment.”30
Both Klein and Noam Chomsky have
suggested, based on the extent to which the application of neoliberal policies have contributed to
income disparities and inequality, that the primary role of neoliberalism was as an ideological cover
for capital accumulation by multinational corporations. 31 Chilean economist
Orlando Letelier, in an article for The Nationtitled “Economic Freedom’s Awful Toll,” asserted
that Pinochet’s dictatorship resorted to oppression becauseof popular
opposition to the neoliberal
policies of the Chicago School in Chile. 32
According to his critics, Friedman did not criticize Pinochet’s dictatorship at the time, nor the
assassinations, illegal imprisonments, torture, or other atrocities that were
well known by then. In his 1980 documentary Free to Choose, he excused:
Chile is not a politically free system, and I do not condone the
system. But the people there are freer
than the people in Communist societies because government plays a smaller role…
The conditions of the people in the past few years has been getting better and
not worse. They would be still better to get rid of the junta and to be able to
have a free democratic system. 33
In effect, Friedman and Hayek’s activities in calling for the
adoption of free-market principles, to offset the trend of nationalization, were
part of a broader strategy pursued by the
Operations Coordinating Board of the
CIA for the subversion of cultures and social democratic institutions
around the world, assisted through both the
Ford and Rockefeller
foundations. Hayek sponsored the global
spread of these neoliberal economic
principles when he inspired Antony
Fisher of the Mont Pelerin Society to
establish the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) in London during 1955. The
IEA website states that, “Since 1974 the IEA has played an active role in
developing similar institutions across the globe. Today there exists a
world-wide network of over one hundred institutions in nearly eighty countries.
All are independent but share in the IEA’s mission.” 34 Among these were
several think tanks within the wide Tavistock network, like the Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C.,
during 1973; Fraser Institute of Canada in 1974. Fisher went to New York where
in 1977 he set up the International Center for Economic Policy Studies (ICEPS),
later renamed the Manhattan Institute. The incorporation documents were signed
by prominent attorney Bill Casey, later
Director of the CIA. The Atlas Economic
Research Foundation (named after Ayn
Rand’s book, Atlas Shrug ged) was created in 1981.
In the Middle East, it is
the Muslim Brotherhood that is used by
the CIA as Part of its fight against “ communism,” as a
tool to further neoliberal policies in
the Islamic world. This is despite their contravention of one of the most basic
principles of Islam: charity. However,
following the Oil Crisis the formidable
new wealth of the Saudis required a
haven, and it most often found its way into a network of banks and investment
companies controlled by the Muslim
Brotherhood , which purported to offer modern banking services, but free of
interest, or Riba. Through the use of Islamic banking, the CIA could
not only launder funds intended to
finance terrorist activities, but promote the adoption of free market
principles, or neoliberalism. Therefore,
despite the fact that a degree of
socialism, in the form of social welfare programs is fundamental to Islam, as Robert Dreyfuss explains, “none of
the important Islamist movements, from the
Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt to
Pakistan’s Islamic Group to the Shiite fundamentalism in Iraq, preached
social and economic justice. Instead, they opposed state ownership, land
reform, and social programs.” 35 They
treated any such “leftists” concerns as “ socialism,” which was branded as “atheistic.”
Often, the Muslim Brotherhood
aligned their economic policies directly with reforms demanded by the IMF and by inviting multinational
corporations and foreign trade. 36 As noted by Ibrahim Warde in Islamic Finance
in the Global Economy, “Even Islamic Republics have on occasion openly embraced
neoliberalism.” 37 The Economics Minister of Sudan, Abdul Rahim Hamdi, a disciple of Milton Friedman and a former Islamic banker
in London, implemented the harsh prescriptions of the IMF. He was willing, in his own words, to
transform the status economy “according to free-market rules, because this is
how an Islamic economy should function.” 38 Similarly, the violence-prone
Algerian Front Islamique (FIS) involved in the civil war during the 1990s, openly backed the IMF recommendations. The FIS, when it was founded
in 1989, as reported by Clement Henry, “advocated market reforms in its party
program—including aligning the dinar at international market rates as the IMF was insisting at the time—and Islamic
banking.” 39
Islamic banking relied heavily on the advice and technological support from
a number of American and European institutions. Also involved in the development
of “Islamic” banking were the IMF, Price
Waterhouse, the major oil companies and Harvard University. Some of the
groundbreaking developments in the theory of Islamic
finance were being done in Pakistan, in London and in the 1960 at the
Rockefeller-funded University of Chicago
by Lloyd Metzler. Goldman Sachs was also
active in creating various commodity-based products. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac ran pilot projects
in Islamic mortgages. The US Federal Reserve started Islamic banking programs
and the World Bank got involved as well.“Evidently,” noted Clement
White and Rodney Wilson in The Politics of Islamic Finance, “the Islamic
financial movement is attempting to
adapt Islamic instruments originally designed for pre-industrial trade and
handicrafts to a post-industrial global economy.” 40
A convoluted system designed to hide the interest-based (Ribba)
mechanism was developed with foreign assistance, to be rubber stamped by
Islamic clerics recruited to grant them legitimacy. Skeptical Muslims and
non-Muslim outsiders alike observe that Islamic banks in reality practice
interest, but just call it by another name, such as commissions or profits (Ribha). The Murabaha, a common form of credit
provided by Islamic banks, involves a simple mark-up on a sales price. Since any
fixed return can be understoo effectively as interest, as Ibrahim Warde
observes, no definition of an Islamic
bank is entirely satisfactory. 41 The
Muslim Brotherhood ’s entry into
Islamic finance has its
origin in Hassan al Banna’s conception of “Financial Jihad.” Financial Jihad, or al
Jihad bil Mal, is mandated in several verses in the Quran , such as: “you… should strive in the
cause of God with your wealth and our lives,”42 and: “The [true] believers are
only
those who… strive with their wealth and their lives for the
cause of God.”43 But the Muslim
|
|
Brotherhood
|
have misappropriated thes
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terrorism. Muhammad Abduh was the fi rst to
open banking when, as head of Al Azhar and on behalf of Lord Cromer, he
proclaimed
that the interest charged by the Post lead,
Rashid Rida similarly maintained that the kind of interest prohibited by the
Quran is
compound interest, but “it does not cover the simple interest charged on
loans by banks or paid by bans to their depositors.”44
Al Banna designed political, econo purportedly
enable Muslims to fulfi l viewed finance as a critical weapon “work towards
establishing an Islamic rule on earth.”45 He was first to that, to
achieve world domination, Muslims needed an independent Islamic financial system
to parallel Aland even
Banna’s successors, such as Sayyed Qutb and
then Yusuf al Qaradawi, set his theories into practice by developing Shariah-based
terminology and mechanisms to advance Jihad
this into fi“Islamicnancial economics,”
In 1962, the members of the Muslim
Brotherhood, having arrived in Saudi Arabia
with CIA assistance, convinced King Faisal to launch joint venture to
SalafinanceWahhabiversion/theofIslamspread worldwide. This venture created
charitable foundations which the Muslim Brotherhood oversees
and from 46which First was the Muslim World League. The Saudi
kingdom also backed another Muslim Brotherhood initiative, the International
Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO) which, along with all these “charities” has
been implicated for funding al Qaeda, the 9/11 attacks, Hamas and others.47
In 1969, the Saudis convened the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC)
to unify Arab and Muslim states in the “struggle for Islam,” and have been its
major sponsor ever since.
The death of Gamal Nasser by heart attack in 1970, and the election of
his successor Anwar Sadat to the Egyptian presidency, resulted in a complete
turn-around in the country’s policy towards the Americans, in contrast to
Nasser’s more uncertain Sadataffi hadliations been Nasser.closeanda con senior
member of the Free Officers movement that It was also in that year, reported
Eric Margolis in the Toronto Star that Sadat was recruited into the CIA.48
Sadat assisted in a dramatic in the Middle East. He purged the Egyptian
government of Nasserists, expelled thousands of Soviet troops and established a
covert relationship with Saudi Arabia’s chief of intelligence Kamal Adham, the
CIA and Henry Kissinger. Guided by Adham, Sadat brought the Muslim Brotherhood
back to Egypt who then worked
extensively to spread King Faisal of Saudi Arabia made an
offer to René Guénon’s protégé, Abdel Halim Mahmoud, then rector of the
University of Al Azhar, offering him one hundred million dollars to fi nan
against communism and towards the triumph of Islam. As John Cooly remarked in Unholy
Wars, “Neglecting the implications of such a triumph, the CIA, in close
liaison with the Saudi Arabian intelligence services under billionaire
businessman Kamal Adham, offered support.”49
The Muslim
Brotherhood became loyal supporters of Sadat’s plan to promote free-enterprise
in Egypt, willingly lending their support to his new economic policy of
openness, or infi,whichtahwasdriven by austerity measures imposed
by the IMF. The Muslim Brotherhood formal declaration commanding its members to
support the infi.As Roberttah Dreyfuss explains, “The IMF’s
strict demands for austerity and cutbacks were the direct result of vigorous US
efforts to encourage free-enterprise economics in the Third World and to combat
socialism. In Egypt, right-wing Islamists and conservative business owners
quickly found common cause.”50
The role of Saudi
Arabia in international affairs was transformed with the advent of the Oil
Crisis of 1973 that allowed it to achieve formidable wealth, which it used to
propagate its version of Islam and expand its participation in the execution of
American foreign policy by proxy. As revealed by William Engdahl in A
Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics and The New World
Order, the Oil Crisis was deliberately c power
had been increasing through the world’s growing dependence on oil.
The largest single expenditure by
recipient countries in Western Europe of the postwar European Recovery Program,
the Marshall Plan, which was devised after studies by the Rockefeller
Foundation, was to purchase oil supplied primarily by American oil companies
and derived mainly from Saudi Arabia. A consequence of the extraordinary
expansion of the importance of the major American oil companies was the
parallel rise of New York banking groups tied to these oil companies. According
to William Engdahl:
The net
effect of this postwar cartelization of American banking and financial power
into the tiny ha oriented to the fortunes of international petroleum markets
and policy,
had
enormous consequences for the following three decades of American financial
history, overshadowing international policy, with the possible exception of the
Vietnam War deficit51-financing.
Already a few
months before the Oil Crisis in May 1973, at the super-secret Bilderberg
meeting held at Saltsjoebaden, Sweden, a group of the world’s leading
fi nancial and political representa of
OPEC petroleum revenue that would inevitably result from a rise in oil prices
from the orchestrated crisis. Present
at the meeting were David Rockefeller and the leading lights of the oil
industry and London and New York banking. Also
included were Robert O. Anderson of
Atlant of Arco, an oil Exxon;companyLordGreenhill,affichairmanliateof
British Petroleum; Zbigniew
Brzezinski, of the Trilateral Commission and soon to be Carter’s national
security advisor; Gianni Agnelli of Italy’s Fiat and Otto Wolff von Amerongen
of Germany, director of Exxon and also a member of the Trilateral commission.
Among the other Bilderbergers were Baron Edmund de Rothschild, Robert McNamara
of the World Bank, Sir Eric Roll of S
and Co., Ltd and
director of the Bank of England, Pierce Paul Schweitzer of the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), and George Ball of Lehman Bothers investment bank, past
director of SOCAL, as well as member of the CFR.
William Engdahl
asserts that the Yom Kippur War of 1973, provoked when Egypt and Syria invaded
Israel, was secretly coordinated by Washington and London using the intricate
diplomatic channels developed by Henry Kissinger. Kissinger, who had persuaded
Nixon to name him Secretary of State just prior to the war, controlled the
Israeli response and exploited channels to the Egyptians and Syrians. His
method was to misrepresent to each party the critical elements of the other,
ensuring the war and the subsequent Arab oil embargo. By October 16, the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), traditionally dominated
by Saudi Arabia, raised the price of oil and declared an embargo on the US and
the Netherlands, Rotterdam being the major oil port of Europe, thus eventually
quadrupling the price of oil, which they
would directly profi t
from.
As
part of Kissinger’s plot to profi t from had established a secret accord with
the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA) according to which a
substantialSaudipetrodollars port resulting from the crisis were to be defi
citsKissinger .had Asonce noted, “Control the oil and you can control entire
continents. Control food and you control people.”52 Without their
own domestic resources, these Third World countries were suddenly confronted
with an unexpected and unpayable increase in oil imports. Therefore, the New York
and London banks took the OPEC oil profi ts that h with them and loaned them
back out as Eurodollar bonds or loans to those countries, now desperate to
borrow do Kissinger termed this dastardly scheme “recycling petrodollars,” a
strategy that had already been discussed at the 1971 Bilderberger meeting in
Sweden. On the whole, over 1974, developing c $35 billion according to the IMF,
a colossal sum in tha four times as large as in 1973 and in proportion to the
oil price increase.
In
1973, the fi rst
undertaking of Cooperation (OIC)
was to establish the Islamic Development Bank (IDB) “in accordance with the
principles of the Shariah,” as prescribed by the Muslim
Brotherhood, and to launch an Islamic fi na
growth in petrodollars. The IDB, more a development than commercial bank,
was established largely “to promote
Islamic banking worldwide.”53 But the IDB has also transferred funds
to support the Palestinian Intifada and families of Palestinian suicide
bombers.
The Muslim first Brotherhood major financial instituti
Islamic Bank (FIBE) which, according
to a 1991 US Library of Congress report on Sudan, was also supported by the
IDB. The FIBE was created in 1976 and run by Prince Mohammed al Faisal, the son
of King Faisal of Saudi Arabia. The FIBE is described in Islamic Finance in
the Global Economy by Ibrahim Warda as “part of the principal,
Saudi-controlled, global Islamic
financial54and
bynetwork,”RobertDreyfussas having, “played a decisive role in the Islamization
of Egypt and the region.”55 Together, Sudanese Islamic banks
acquired twenty percent of the country’s deposits “providing the financial
basis to turn Sudan the Islamic governmental policies to date.”56
Among the bank’s founders were Yusuf al
Qaradawi and Youssef Nada. Qaradawi joined the Muslim Brotherhood in his youth
and Hasan al-Banna, as Qaradawi often stated, was his foremost mentor. Another
of his mentors was Guénon’s protégé, Abdel Halim Mahmoud. Another of the bank’s
founders was the notorious Sheikh Omar Abdur Rahman who was among those recruited
to Sadat’s Islamization plan, but who would later be partly responsible for his
assassination in 1981. As a young man, Nada, one of the international leaders
of the Muslim Brotherhood, had joined the armed branch of the “secret
apparatus” of the Muslim Brotherhood, and then was recruited by German military
intelligence. When Grand Mufti al Husseini had to fl Nazi defeat loomed,
Youssef Nada is rumored to have been personally involved in arranging through
the SS his escape via Switzerland back to Egypt and then Palestine.57
Once he was implicated in the assassination attempt against Nasser, Nada
escaped Egypt, flItaly,eeingwherehe becamefi rst a naturalized Italian citizen
Esalen,
the CIA & Ancient Aliens Part 1
The collective psychological trauma of the tragedies of the Manson
killings and the murder at Altamont had destroyed the naïve idealism of the
sixties. Coupled with America’s defeat in Vietnam, the Watergate scandal,
revelations of the CIA’s nefarious activities, that idealism was replaced with
a turn inward
And these lf ishandun apologetic hedonism
known to hav echaracter the “Me” generation. As Sam Binkley explained, in Getting
Loose: Lifestyle Consumption in The 1970s, “The new
introspectiveness announced the demise of an established set of traditional
faiths centered on work and the postponement
ofgratification,andtheemergenceofaconsumptionlif-orientethicstyle centered on
lived experience and the immediacy of daily lifestyle choices.”1
Health and exercise fads, New Age spirituality,
discos and hot tub parties, self-help programs such as EST (Erhard Seminars
Training), and the growth of the
self-help book thus industry became identified
BabyBoomer
This experimentation was much influenc
byt he hokeyd“spirit
Practice sendorsed by the Tavistock Esalen affiliated Institute which,according to
Wouter Hanegraaff in New Age Religion and Western Culture: Esotericism in
the Mirror of Secular Thought, in addition to the Hippies, had been
the second major influence of the 60s counter culture and the rise of the
New Age movement. 2 As explained by Jeffrey J. Kripal in Esalen:
America and the Religion of No Religion, one of the central figures behind the
experimentation Esalen,and the currents of the countercultural movement as a
whole, was Wilhelm Reich. Essentially, Esalen taught the same Freudian notions
of repressed emotions asserted by Reich and the Frankfurt School. And,
according to BBC documentary filmmakerAdamCurtis,inTheCentury of the Self
, referring to Esalen, “The ideas and the techniques that were taught there in
the 1970s have fundamentally transformed both society and politics as much, or
possibly even more, than any right-wing free market theories.” As Adam Curtis
explains:
[Esalen founder Michael Murphy]
gathered together a group of radical psychoanalysts and psychotherapists and
encouraged them to give classes in their techniques. What united them was the
belief that modern society repressed individuals inner feelings. Because of
this the individuals led narrow, desiccated lives and their true feelings were
bent and warped.
Esalen
taught people how to break out of this prison, how to
let
their inner feelings out and so become liberated beings. It was a wonderful
dream—and thousands of people who had turned away from radical politics in the
1960s came to learn how to change society by changing themselves.3
Esalen
is a truly apt symbol of Amer spray painted, “Jive shit for rich white folk,”
on the entrance to Esalen. The kinds of aspirations provided by Esalen can only
be combined with a complete ignorance of the real struggle of less fortunate
people around the world. As Helen Keller explained: “Many persons have a wrong
idea of what constitutes true happiness. It is not attained th to a worthy purpose.”
True personal f selfi sh instincts and pursuing the G of others above our own.
However, those not cognizant of or in denial of this
basic human propensity, then try to
assuage the resulting spiritual void with escapist ideologies, thus becoming susceptible
to the counterfeit “spirituality” offered by Esalen and other New Age
charlatans. These vague notions of spiritual emancipation offered by Esalen
were predicated on the thought of Abraham Maslow—a key figure at Frankfurtt he
insted School member and Tavistock,important Kurt Lewin— who influence forth
the theory of a hierarchy of needs, which proposed the achievement of
psychological health through the fulf culminating in “self-actualization.”
Esalen, which was
established in 1962, in Big Sur, California, with the assistance of Aldous
Huxley. Esalen’s nominal founders were two transcendental meditation students,
both graduates of Stanford University, Michael Murphy and Richard Price. After
graduating from Stanford, Price attended Harvard University to continue
studying psychology, and then joined the Air Force and lived in San Francisco,
where he met Alan Watts and experienced a transformative psychotic break. Price
was admitted to a mental hospital for a time, before returning to San
Francisco. Price also participated in experiments at Bateson’s Palo Alto
Veterans Hospital.4 Before also settling in San Francisco, Murphy,
traveled to India to study with Sri Aurobindo (1872– 1950), who Traditionalists
like Mir authentic representative of the Indian spiritual tradition.
After they met in
1961, Murphy and Price began formulating plans for a forum that would be open
to ways of thinking beyond the constraints of mainstream academia, while hoping
to avoid the dogmatism typically associated with cults. They envisioned a
laboratory for experimentation in a wide range of philosophies, religious
disciplines and psychological techniques. They were given networking support by
Watts, Huxley and his wife Laura, as well as by Gerald Heard and Gregory
Bateson. The concept of Esalen was partially modeled upon Trabuco College,
founded by Heard as a quasi-monastic experiment in Southern California, and
later donated to the Vedanta Society of Southern California.
Murphy, Price and
their students at Esalen became inebriated with a delirious idealism about a
coming transformation, which they believed to be the
fulfilment of
an evolutionary pro
Theosophical tradition of spiritual
evolution, initiated by Max Theon, Henri Bergson and Alfred North Whitehead.
But Murphy and Price were particularly infl uencedAurobindo
andbyFrenchSriphilosopher and Jesuit priest Teilhard de Chardin (1881 – 1955),
who both matter to a future state of Divine consciousness. Teilhard de Chardin
refers to this as the Omega Point, and Sri Aurobindo as the Supermind.
Aurobindo’s close spiritual collaborator, Mirra Richard, came to be known as
“The Mother,” who in her 20s studied occultism with Max Theon. In the mid-1960s
“The Mother” personally guided the founding of Auroville, an international
township endorsed by UNESCO to further human unity in Tamil Nadu, near the
Pondicherry border, which was to be a place “where men and women of all
countries are able to live in peace and progressive harmony above all creeds,
all politics and all nationalities.”
Teilhard de
Chardin, who was trained as paleontologist and geologist, Teilhard took part in
the infamous Peking Man and Piltdown Man, the largest academic scandal in
history, that attempted to substantiate the truth of Darwin’s evolutionary
hypothesis. Often referred to as the “Catholic Darwin,” Teilhard is known for
his attempt to synthesize Christianity and the theory of evolution. Teilhard
was inspired by the theory of Creative Evolution of Henri Bergson, who put
forward an alternate explanation for Darwin’s mechanism of evolution,
suggesting that evolution is motivated by a “vital impetus” that can also be
understood as humanity’s natural creative impulse. Teilhard was tied closely
with Julian Huxley, who belonged to a family that had from the outset been
closely devoted to the promotion of Darwinism. Huxley wrote the introduction to
Teilhard’s The Phenomenon of Man, referring to it as “a very remarkable
work by a very remarkable human being.” Teilhard signed the Eugenics Manifesto
together with Julian and Theodosius Dobzhansky, the eminent twentieth century
biologist, through whom he through Dobzhansky’s development of the Modern
Evolutionary Synthesis.
Teilhard
de Chardin developed the concept of the Noosphere, as an extension of his Law
of ComplexityKabbalistic notion of evolution. The Noosphere, derived from the
Greek nous (“mind”), is the third in a succession of phases of
development of the Earth, after the
geosphere
(inanimate matter) and t Noosphere as the “thinking envelope of the biosphere,”
and the “conscious unity of souls,” which was “the very Soul of the Earth,”
woven around the earth from the contributions of the totality of mankind.
Teilhard argued that as mankind organizes itself in more complex social
networks, the Noosphere will grow in awareness, culminating in the goal of
history, which he referred to as the Omega Point, a maximum level of complexity
and consciousness towards which he believed the universe was evolving. Teilhard
argued that the Omega Point resembles the Christian Logos, namely Christ, who
draws all things into himself, and who in the words of the Nicene Creed is “God
from God” and “through him all things were made.”
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