HISTORY OF TABARI
VOLUME 1
General Introduction
Translator's Foreword
The Life and Works of al-Tabari
A Remark on
the Sources
His Early Life
(lanjutan)
The biographical sources depict him as a stout
defender of the preeminence of all the first four caliphs . He felt compelled
to defend 'Ali ra against attacks and took every opportunity to profess his
veneration of Abu Bakr ra and 'Umar ra . In a discussion with a certain Ibn
Salih al-A'lam about 'All, Tabari asked him what he thought about those who
claimed that Abu Bakr and 'Umar were not legitimate caliphs (imama huda). Al-A'lam replied that such
claim was an "innovation ." Considering Tabari 's rejection of any thought
of bid' ah, that should perhaps have pleased him, but he was outraged by the
reply and empathically insisted that it was not strong enough . Anyone who did
not acknowledge the exalted status of the first two caliphs ought to be killed [244. See Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXVI, quoted in a slightly shortened
form by Dhahabi, Nubald', XIV, 275 . Dhahabi ' s dependence on Ibn ' Asakir can
hardly be doubted, but it remains to be explained why he replaced Abu al - Fath
Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Hafiz in the isndd by the equally correct form Abu al -
Fath b. Abi al-Fawiris (see TB, I, 352 f .). Dhahabi might have used an
intermediate source , unless our text of Ibn 'Asakir is faulty(?).].
Reports of this sort could have been invented as a reaction to Hanbalite
attacks, but Tabari 's orthodoxy with respect to the imamate and Shi'ah beliefs
seems to be beyond doubt.
Tabari 's struggle with the Hanbalites might
be seen as a consequence of his independent judgment in matters of law. Just as
pronouncements on points of Qur ' an interpretation must have made enemies for
him among those who differed from his conclusionsand the competition was strong
, as there were numerous Qur'an scholars around and numerous laymen who had
their own opinions on everything connected with the Qur'an-anyone who insisted
upon his own juridical and dogmatic views could expect to encounter determined
hostility . Two such hostile encounters, the vicious Hanbalite attacks and the
less grave conflict with the Zahirites, will be discussed later in some detail.
Tabari at first considered himself a Shafi '
ite, and many later Shafi ' ites were proud to claim him as one of their own [245. See Subki , Tabagdt, II, 251. The opinions of al-Rafe i
and Ahu 'Asim al-'Abbadi on Tabari 's position among Shafi ' ites were reported
by Nawawi , Tahdhib, 1, 70. See 'Abbadi, Tabaqat, 52. AI-'Abbadi has even less
biographical information than Abu Ishaq al-Shirazi , Tabagat, 76]. For a
period of ten years, he functioned as a Shafi'ite [246.
See Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXIV, from al - Farghan].This may have been after his
return from Egypt, and thus in the decade that ended about 267/880(I). By then,
his own legal production had became extensive. His Latif was a comprehensive
exposition of both the basic principles (usul) and the case law (furu') of
presumably the entire shari'ah; at least parts of the work were then already in
existence. Given his ijtihad, the legal views expressed in it must have
included many which, not by themselves but in the aggregate, set Tabari's legal
thought apart from the other legal schools of his time. It was therefore a natural
development for him and his circle of students to constitute themselves into a
special legal school, the "Jariri madhhab." The phrase "our
madhhab"used in Ikhtilaf [247. Ed. Kern, II, 61]
in one place apparently does not understand madhhab as the view under
discussion but refers to his "school"; however, because of the
uncertainties connected with the dating of Ikhtilaf, the passage does not
provide us with a terminus ante quern for the formal birth of the jariri
madhhab. Naming a sect or school after the father of the founder was a common
practice. With respect to "Jariri ", it is clear that neither Tabari
's given name nor the name of his country of origin would have made a
distinctive designation for the school. It is not known, however, when the name
"Jariri" was introduced, nor is there any precise information as to
when the outside world began to look at Tabari as the founder of his madhhab.
During his later years, his students were
considered Jariris or considered themselves as followers of Tabari's legal
views. Some wrote works on the Jariri madhhab or in defense of it. One of these
Jariris was considerably older than Tabari, which is a testimony to Tabari's
reputation and, perhaps, his personal magnetism. He was Abu Muslim al-Kajji, who
was born in 200/81516) and died in 292/904151. An authority on Qur'an
interpretation, he was an extraordinarily successful teacher. He had large
numbers of students and is said to have employed no less than seven mustamlis.
Many of the students were standing with their inkpots in their hands during his
lectures, because they could not be accommodated in the normal manner [248. Also Kashshi or Kachchi, Abu Muslim Ibrahim b.
'Abdallih b. Muslim has an entry in TB, VI, 120- 4. He appears as Tabari ' s
authority in Tafsir, II, 152 f., 233, 1. 22, and 234, 1. 6 (ad Qur. 2:197,
233); IV, 15, 1. 12 (ad Qur. 3.97). Another scholar older than Tabari but a
transmitter of material from him was Abu Shu'ayb 'Abdallah b. al-Hasan
(2o6-95/821(2)-907(8)). See Ibn'Asakir, LXIX f.; TB, IX, 435-7. However, he
does not appear to have been a Jariri.]. It probably was important for
Tabari to have a man of this stature as a follower of his madhhab. Others identifiable
as belonging to the early core of Jariris during their master's lifetime were
the government official (katib) Ibn Abi alThalj (238-322/852(3)-934) [249. See TB,. 1, 338] and Abu al-Hasan Ahmad b. Yahya
b. 'Ali b. Yahya b. Abi Mansur, who died in his early seventies in the year
327/938(9). He was 'a member of the Ibn Munajjim family, and his pedigree
clarifies his position in it. The Ibn Munajjims had produced several
generations of courtiers and litterateurs. Some were also well-known as speculative
theologians. Abu al-Hasan wrote An
Introduction to and support of Tabari's school as well as other works on
his madhhab [250. See Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 143 f.;
Safadi, Wafi, VIII, 246 f.; Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl. I, 164; Sezgin, GAS, II,
439; Stern, "Abu 'Isa," 438. Ibn al-Nadim also listed him among the
Mu 'tazilah ; see Fuck, " Neue Matenalien," 307, and Dodge's
translation of the Fihrist, I, 428 f. One wonders whetherTabari ' s interest in
"time " ( see below, translation , 159 and 169 ff.) was in any way
connected with the K,tab al-Awgat written by Abu al-Hasan b. al-Munajjim or
with the Kitab al-Zaman of Ibn Kimil (see Irshad, II, 17, ed. Rifai, IV, 105.
Irshad cites Fihrist, where, however, this title and some other titles of Ibn
Kimil 's publications do not appear on p. 32)].
Ahmad b. Kamil, Tabari's biographer, also
belonged to the original group of Jariris. As a judge in al-Kufah under the
jurisdiction of the chief judge in Baghdad, Ibn Kamil was in the position to
promote the legal school to which he belonged. It seems, however, that he was a
somewhat self-important and difficult personality. His juridical views were
said to have been eclectic and in a way probably produced yet another legal
school [251. For Ibn Kamil as a Jariri , see also below
, 67. For another old Jariri , see above, n. 14.].
The best known Jariri of the next generation
who no longer had personal contact with Tabari was al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya'
alNahrawani, also referred to as Ibn Tarrar al-Jariri. Among other works,
al-Mu'afa wrote a large commentary on the Qur'an; but his fame among posterity
derived mainly from a literary work, entitled al-jalis al-salih al-kafi wa-al-anis al-ndsih al-shah (cited here
as Mu'afa, falis). He served as judge for Bab al-Taq, a section of Baghdad
which enjoyed long-standing fame as a center of literary and scholarly
activity. In Yaqut's words, al-Mu'afa attempted to promote the Jariri madhhab
by supporting (as Abu al-Hasan b. al-Munajjim had done), calling attention to,
and defending it [252. On al- Mu'afa, see Ibn al
-Nadim, Fihrist, 236; Irshad, VII, 162-4, ed. Rifa'i, XIX, 151-4; Sezgln, GAS,
1, 522 f. Makhlad b. Ja'far a1 - Bagarji (d . 370/981) supposedly studied with
Tabari and, at the end of his life, claimed the right to )the transmission of?)
Tabari's History.
Nothing is said about his having been a Jariri , but his son Abu
Ishaq Ibrahim )325-410/937-1020) was so described. See TB, XIII, 176 f., and
VI, 189- 91, in particular, 190, 1. 3. For their role in the transmission of
al-Radd 'ala al-Hurqu$iyyah, see below, 123 f. Further Jariris mentioned by Ibn
al-Nadim, 135, cannot be traced elsewhere. Lists of Jariris compiled by modern
scholars may be found, for instance, in the introduction to the edition of
Mu'afa, Jails, 1, 44.].
The Jariri madhhab never gained a foothold
strong enough to guarantee its survival in the harshly competitive world of
politics dominated by the large and powerful legal sector of society. As Ibn
Kamil's career exemplifies, there were many persons practicing ijtihad and
acting as potential founders of schools. Understandably, the competition was
particularly brutal in the capital of the Empire, but even a powerful provincial
base, such as had been enjoyed by al-Awza'i, often failed to ensure success.
From all we know, it appears that Jarirism was not distinctive enough to make it
on purely intellectual grounds, and its followers were not sufficiently
aggressive, or lacked political opportunity, to infiltrate the judiciary on a
large scale so as to acquire the momentum necessary for gaining and
perpetuating power, By the time of Tabari, certain legal schools, such as the 1-lanafites,
Malikites, and Shafi'ites, had become firmly entrenched and, as history was to
show, could no longer be displaced.
Wherever there was acute rivalry for
political control through the judiciary, the atmosphere was easily poisoned,
and often lasting division resulted that affected even personal relations [253. An example on the large scale is the apparent gradual
development of bad relations between Hanafites and Shafl' ites in Nisabur
during the fourth/tenth century, see Bulliet , Patricians, 31 ff.].
Normally, however, a certain harmony appears at least outwardly to have been
prevalent. A debate about whether the formula "In the name of God, the
Merciful, the Compassionate (basmalah)"
was to be counted as part of the first surah of the Qur'an that took place not
long after Tabari's death, is a good illustration of the generally peaceful
state of affairs.
Abu Bakr b. Kamil said : One night, Abu Bakr
Ahmad b. Musa b. al-'Abbas b. Mujahid came to us, while we were studying with
him the large work on the Qur 'an reading of Abu 'Amr b. al-'Ala' [254. Abu 'Amr b. al-'Ala', one of the seven Qur'an readers ,
lived roughly from the 605/684-9 to about 154/770. See, for instance, EI2, 1,
105 f ., s. v.; Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl. 1,158; Sezgin, GAS, I, 5 f., 17; In
al-Jazari, Ghdyah, I, 288-92. According to Ibn al-Nadim , Fihrist, 31, Ibn
Mujahid ( see above, n. 121 ) wrote a large and a small work on Qur ' an
reading, as well as a work on the Qur'an reading of Abu 'Amr. This work is
probably the one meant here . The scene described is a meeting of some of those
who were students of In Mujahid in Qur 'an reading , at which Ibn Mujahid
dropped in . He should have known, however, that Ibn Kimil was a Jariri without
having to ask him on that particular occasion . Perhaps the plural is meant, so
that the question was about others in the gathering.].He found us
engaged in a debate with some Shafi'ite colleagues as to whether the basmalah belonged
to the Book or did not belong to it. The meeting room was crowded with Shifi'
ites, Milikites, Hanafites, and our colleagues (that is, Jariris ). Because of
my studying (Qur'an reading) with him, Ibn Mujahid occasionally called me
Kisa'1 [255. In Mujihid, who was known for his friendly
banter (mudd'abah), is comparing his gifted student In Kamil with the famous
second/eighth -century Qur'an reader and philologist, see EI2, V, 174 f., s. v.
al-Kisa'i. In Mujihid 's authority Muhammad b. Yahyi known as the younger
Kisa'i (see Ibn al - Jazari, Ghdyah, II, 279) is hardly meant]. So now
he said to me: What is it that all of you here are engaged in? I told him, and
he said : To which juridical school do you belong? I replied: That of Abu
Ja'far al-Tabari. He said: May God show mercy to (the late) Abu Ja'far! He told
us the hadith of Nuh b. Abi Bilil-Sa'id alMagburi-Abu Hurayrah about the basmalah [256. For Tabari on the basmalah, see Tafsir, I, 37,
where he refers back to Latif and promises an exhaustive treatment for a later
major work; see below, 113. The Prophet ' s hadith on the various names of the
first surah (Tafsir, I, 36, 11. is ff.) may not be the one meant here.].
Abu Bakr b. Mujahid then started to praise
Abu Ja'far alTabari. He said: We have heard that he met with al-Muzani, but don't
ask how he bested him with all those Shafi'ites present who were listening to
him! (Ibn Mujahid) did not mention anything that happened between the two.
Abu Bakr b. Kamil said: I (had earlier?)
asked Abu Ja'far about the problem he had debated with al-Muzani, but he did
not mention it. He was not the person to boast about having gained the better
of an adversary [257. Following the emendation in
Irshad, ed. Rifai] in a discussion. Abu Ja'far used to stress al-Muzani's
excellence; he praised him and always said what a good Muslim he was [258. See Irshad, VI, 433, ed. Rifai, XVIII, 53 f. See also
above, n. tot]
Tabari's altercation with Abu Bakr Muhammad
b. Dawud b. 'Ali (255-97/869-910, the son of the founder of the Zahirite
school, was potentially troublesome, but ended peaceably. Basically, it
reflects an amicable environment in which scholars of different outlooks in the
fields of law and hadith lived and worked together. Dawud b. 'Ali
(200[2]-70/815(8]-84( did not, we are told, measure up to Tabari's all
encompassing scholarship. He was an excellent, highly skilled debater. He also
tended toward exhibiting a certain playfulness. Tabari found it totally out
of.place whenever serious scholarly problems were under discussion. He studied
with Dawud for some time and copied many of his works and lectures. After his
death, as many as eighty fascicles of DAwud's treatises were found, written in
Tabari's fine hand [259. It is conceivable, as
suggested by the paragraphing of the text in Irshad, ed. Rifai, XVIII, 78, that
the reference is to Dawud and his library and fine hand, but this seems
unlikely.]. Among them was a discussion of a subject that continued to
be hotly debated, that of the createdness or uncreatedness of the Qur'an. It
had taken place between Dawud and the Mutazilite Abu Mujalid al-Darir in the time
of al-Muwaffaq, that is, in the last decade of Dawud's life
[260. Abu Mujahid Ahmad b. al-Husayn, an active Mu'tazilite and a client of the
caliph al-Mu'tasim , died in 268/ 862, according to In Kamil , rather than in
the following year. See TB, IV, 95 f.; Safadi, Wafi, VI, 33 (where 270 is
indicated as the date of death); 'Abd al-Jabbar, Sharh al-usul al-khamsah, 294
(with further references) . For Tabari's views on the subject, see, in
particular , Tabsir, fols. ioia-;02a , and Sarih, passim] Once,
apparently near the end of Dawud's life, Tabari got the better of him in a
debate held in the presence of Dawud's followers. One of them, provoked by
seeing his master being defeated, made some acerbic remarks against Tabari who
left in a huff and wrote a treatise against Dawud. Dawud's son Abu Bakr came to
his father's aid, apparently shortly after the latter's death. Like Tabari, Abu
Bakr had been a precocious child . At the age of sixteen, he took over his deceased
father ' s teaching ( halqah ) and
issued legal opinions (fatwa) [261. See TB, V, 256, 1.
13]. He often seems to have done so in the samelighthearted spirit which
led to the composition of his most famous work, an anthology of love poetry
entitled Kitab al-Zahrah. It is
possible that his Kitab al-Intisar 'ala Abu Ja 'far al – Tabari was the work in
defense of his father [262. See Mas'udi , Murd , VIII,
255 , ed. Pellat, V,196; In al-Nadim, Fihrist, 217,] . Abu Bakr also attacked Tabari in a work of
his on the principles of jurisprudence (alWusul
ila ma'rifat al-usul). The issue was the interpretation of consensus ( ijma'. In Ikhtilaf, he alleged, Tabari
defined consensus as the agreement only of those legal authorities whose views he
discussed in that work . Abu Bakr, insisting on ijma ' as the consensus of all
legal authorities , seems to have taken this definition as Tabari 's general
view on ijma' beyond that particular work [263. The
ZAhirite view of ijma ' is discussed in Goldziher , Zdhiriten, 32 ff]. The
controversy went on for a long time . Then one day, when Abu Bakr by chance
visited a common acquaintance named Abu Bakr b. Abi H Amid , Tabari happened to
be there , too. He was Abu Bakr b. Dawud ' s elder by thirty years, but he
treated him with the greatest courtesy and remembered his father with high
praise . This put an end to their hostility [264. For a
translation of the report on the episode, see below, 121 ff. it may be noted
that there was bitter animosity between Ibn Hanbal and Dawud which was started
by the former, see TB , VIII, 373 f., quoted by Sam'ani , Ansab, IX, 130;
Goldziher, Zdhiriten,134].
Tabari 's relationship with the Hanbalites
was of a totally different character . It is pictured as having had an
important and disturbing impact on his life. This seems , in fact , to have
been the case in some respect . The reports we have about it are all close to his
time, but they are confused and contradictory . Their historicity has been
denied [265. See Kern ' s introduction to his edition
of 1khtildf, 8 f. Kern 's biographical sketch of Tabari there and in his
article on Ikhtilaf was an astonishing accomplishment in its time]. However, while they reflect propaganda and appear
to have been put into circulation by Tabari 's Hanbalite opponents , there is
no good reason to go quite that far.
What caused the enmity of contemporary
Hanbalites toward Tabari? He was originally attracted to Baghdad by the fame of
Ibn Hanbal [266. See above, n. 44], and he
continued to express the greatest respect for him [267.
See $ariIi, text, 198, trans., 191. For the strange report on an apology full
of praise for Ibn Hanbal and his school , see below, 104]. His authorities and older contemporaries were
students of Ibn Hanbal. Ibn Hanbal's younger son 'Abdallah (213-90/828(9)-903) [268. One of the authorities for the dates of 'Abdallah's
birth and death was alSawwif, on whom see above, n. 237. Like Ibn Kimil,
al-Sawwiif was a student of 'Abdallah. See TB, IX, 376, 11. 14 f], who
was the chief transmitter of his father's large collection of traditions, was
only ten years older than Tabari, and there was a constant overlap between
'Abdallah's and Tabari's teachers. Direct contact between Tabari and Ibn
Hanbal's family appears not to be attested, but they must have known one
another. The final break between him and the Hanbalites is likely to have
occurred with the publication of Ikhtilaf, which completely disregards Ibn
Hanbal [269. The only reference to In Hanbal ("Abu
'Abdallih" ( traced so far in Ikhtilaf is an indirect one; see ed .
Schacht, 139, 1. 14, and Schacht's introduction, XV]. Tabari is alleged
to have expressed the opinion that he did not think of Ibn Hanbal as a jurist
whose work in the field of jurisprudence compared with that of other great
authorities but rather as an important hadith scholar [270.
Since the basic sources do not seem to mention this remark, its historicity is
slightly suspect . According to Kern, "Tabari ' s Ihtilif," 66, 1. t,
the authorities mentioning it are Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil; Abu al-Fidi ', Annales;
Ibn al-Shihnah (in the margin of Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, ed. Bulaq, 1290, VIII,
iio), all under the year 310, and Hajji Khalifah, ed. Yaltkaya, 1, 33. When it
came to enumerate the fields in which Ibn Hanbal was a leading authority,
mention of him as imam al-hadith came first ; see Ibn Abi Ya'li, Tabaqat, I, 5].
This observation is quite accurate and was endorsed by posterity as well as
shared by some Hanbalites. It is, however, understandable that it could have
led to riots if it. was ever expressed ex cathedra. Another statement to the
effect that he had not seen anyone transmitting legal opinions from Ibn Hanbal
or any followers of his that were considered authoritative [271. See Irshad, VI, 436, 11. 5 f., ed Rifa'i, XVIII, 58.]
was a slap in the face of contemporary Hanbalites. Tabari may not have been so
imprudent as to make these remarks in public in the form in which they are
preserved; they may have surfaced in Hanbalite attacks against him and reflect
Hanbalite suspicion as to how he felt about their school.
Another, and possibly decisive, factor was
the situation in which Hanbalism found itself in Tabari 's time . It was the
latest of the then prominent and active legal schools [272.
The latest authority frequently quoted in Ikhtilaf is the Shafi'ite Abu Thawr
(Ibrahim b. Khalid), who died in 240/854, see Sezgin, GAS,1, 491,] and
was still struggling to become securely established when Tabari, along with
others, was a potential rival. The Hanbalites, moreover, counted in their ranks
fighters determined to the point of fanaticism to promote themselves and their
madhhab. Their readiness to use violence was effective as a deterrent to many
scholars; they may have been less courageous than Tabari, who refused to be intimidated
[273. A number of contemporaries who did not want to
tangle with Mujahid's tradition are named in Dhahabi , Uluww, 124-6; see also
75, 94, 99. It seems they did not offer resistance as Tabari did eventually ,
even if, as was his nature, he too compromised on the issue for some time . The
father of Abu Bakr, Abu Dawud al - Sijistani, is mentioned as an advocate of
the permissibility of transmitting Mujahid's tradition in Khallal , Musnad, and
Qurtubi, lami', X, 311.].
The Hanbalite struggle for ultimate success
required a rallying point in the form of a slogan that could serve as a
touchstone for true belief. A strange interpretation of the "praiseworthy
position (magaman mahmudan)" promised to the Prophet in Qur. 17:79 was
chosen. It should be remembered that in Ibn Hanbal's life, the issue of the
createdness or uncreatedness of the Holy Book had played a similar role . That
issue was, of course, vastly more important, but it may not be quite as farfetched
as it seems that his followers unconsciously felt that they, too, needed a
dramatic issue to make themselves heard in the rough-and-tumble of religiolegal
politics.
Qur'an 17:79 was generally explained as
eschatological [274. In fact, the eschatological
meaning of the verse does not seem certain and appears to be based solely on
the use of the root b-'-th.] and the "praiseworthy position"
as referring to Muhammad 's role as intercessor with the Deity on the Last Day.
There was, however, a tradition reported from Mujahid (but not found in the preserved
recension of his commentary on Qur. 17:79) which reached Tabari by way of 'Abbad
b. Ya'qub al-Asadi-Muhammad b. Fudayl-Layth b. Abi Sulaym. It states that the
"praiseworthy position" means that Muhammad will be seated by God on
his divine Throne [275. For the transmitters, see
below, translation, on. 1139, 239, and 54. Al-Layth is described as the son of
Abu Sulaym in Khallal , Musnad, and Dhahabi , ' Uluww, 125,1. 3. He was a
transmitter of Mujahid; the better-known al-Layth b. Sa'd was born too late for
that. This interpretation is, of course, not incompatible with Muhammad's
position as chief intercessor. See Khallal, Musnad, 83]. Hanbalite
championship of the tradition produced vehement outpourings of hatred against
those who opposed it, allegedly with equal immoderation. They were called by
every conceivable epithet; they were branded as innovators , liars ,
ignoramuses , heretics (zindiq), and unbelievers. Above all, they were seen as
Jahmis, that is, speculative theologians (Mu'tazilites). Their nefarious
intent--or, at any rate, the result of their attitude-was to deny a singular
distinction to the Prophet, and, in the process, they defamed the exemplary
Muslim that was Mujahid. Already Ibn Hanbal's principal successor as spokesman for
his legal school, Abu Bakr al-Marrudhi (d. 275/888) [276.
For Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Muhammad b. al-Haljaj al-Marrudhi, see Ibn Abi Ya`la,
Tabagat, I, 56-63s Sam'ani, Ansdb, XII, 201 f.; Yaqut, Mu'jam, IV, 506, s. v.
Marty al-Rudh. According to Dhahabi, 'Uluww, r25, 1. 2, he wrote in defense of
Mujahid's tradition (see below, n. 277). Ibn AN Ya'la, Tabaqat, 6o, states that
alMarrudhi was asked about the Jahmiyyah's rejection of the "story of the
Throne." This may refer to alleged Mu'tazilah views on the location of the
Throne, rather than, specifically, to the tradition of Mujahid.], was strongly
partial to Mujahid's tradition and appears to have employed the
"praiseworthy position" question as a sort of shibboleth. Abu Bakr
al-Marrudhi's student and successor as the principal Hanbalite scholar of his
time, Abu Bakr al-Khallal (d. 311/923), took up the subject. He reproduced his
teacher' s arguments at length and thus preserved them for posterity [277. For Abu Bakr al-Khallal, see Sezgin , GAS, I, 511 f. I
wish to thank J. van Ess for providing me with a xerox copy of Khallal, Musnad,
75-99]. His younger contemporary, al-Barbahari (d. 329/941) [278. For al-Hasan b. 'Ali b. Khalaf al-Barbahari, see
Sezgin, GAS, 1, 512; Laoust, in Melanges Massignon, III, 22-5. Ibn Abi Ya'la,
Tabaqat, II, 18-45, gives a good picture of his generally extremist positions .
"Whenever al-Barbahari attended a meeting, he would mention that God seats
Muhammad s.a.w with Himself on the
Throne." In 323/935, he was in hiding and his followers were strictly
forbidden to assemble. One of them was accused of having set a disastrous fire
in al-Karkh, see Hamadhani, Takmilah, 79 f., ed. Cairo, XI, 294-6. See further
Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl. I, 344, and the indexes of Eclipse and Massignon,
Passion2 , as well as
Allard, Attributs, 1o3 f.], then made the most of it. He missed no opportunity
to proclaim Qur. 17:79 as referring to the Prophet's being seated on the divine
Throne. Although alBarbahiri's name is not mentioned in connection with
Tabari's Hanbalite trouble, he probably must be seen as the person behind much
of it.
The actual course of the events affecting
Tabari can be reconstructed only with difficulty, because supporters on both
sides apparently circulated conflicting reports . Matters appear to have come
to a head after the year 290/903 . In that year, Tabari returned to his home
town in Tabaristan on a second , and apparently last, visit. He no doubt used
the Khurasan Road that took him through such large cities as Dinawar and
Hamadhan. In Dinawar, he stopped to meet with scholars there and to give lectures;
he may very well have done the same in other towns along the road, thus making
his journey profitable intellectually and, possibly, economically. On his
return to Baghdad, three Hanbalites, who do not seem further identifiable [279. The three were Abu 'Abdallah al-Jassas ,
Ja'far b . 'Arafah, and al - Bayadi. The identification of al-Bayadi with Abu
'Ali Muhammad b. 'lsa al - Bayadi was proposed by the editor of Irshvd, VI,
436, n. 1, but requires confirmation . This individual, whose family claimed
'Abbasid descent, wrote on Qur ' an reading . He was killed by the Qarmatians
in 294 / 906 on his return from the pilgrimage, see TB , II, 401; Sam'ani ,
Ansab, 384. On the incident , see also Goldziher, Muslim Studies , II, 158 (II,
168, of the original German) . Goldziher's reference was to Suyuti , Tahdhir,
161, whose source scurrilously attributes this information to a storyteller in
the streets of Baghdad], asked Tabari about his views on Mujahid's
tradition . Tabari is said to have declared bluntly that it was absurd .
Moreover, he added a flippant jingle ridiculing it:
Praised
be the One Who has no confidant and has no one to sit on His Throne.
Enraged Hanbalites thereupon stoned his
residence and caused a serious disturbance which had to be subdued by force.
Trouble with the Hanbalites that took a
similar form is also reported at the time of Tabari's death . In connection
with it, Nazuk is mentioned as chief of police . He was appointed to this
position only in 310/922[3J, the year Tabari died, but he appears to have held
high positions in the police before and may already have been in charge of
Tabari ' s protection against potential Hanbalite violence . In 309/921[2] ,
the wazir 'Ali b. 'Isa had offered Tabari the opportunity to debate the matter
with the Hanbalites in his residence . Tabari agreed, but the Hanbalites did
not show up [280. See In al-Jawzi , Muntazam , VI, 159,
also Tabari , Introductio etc., XCVI11; Bowen, 187 f.] However, shortly
before his death, Hanbalite rioters supposedly pelted his house with stones so
numerous that they formed a large wall in front of it. The verse just quoted
was discovered written on the wall of Tabari's house. After the riot subsided,
someone wrote underneath it:
Ahmad [281.
"Ahmad" apparently is meant to refer to the Prophet, but Ibn Hanbal's
name was also Ahmad. The undetermined singular of envier and liar in the
following verses might be a veiled reference to a specific person, namely,
Tabari.] will no doubt have a high position when he comes to the
Merciful One,
Who will draw him near and seat him nobly to
spite an(y) envier,
Upon a throne enveloping him [282. The translation "upon a throne enveloped with
perfume" is possible, but the text in Ibn Abi al-Hadid, Sharll, 1, 656,
Il. 4 f. ( Beirut, 29631 = 111, 224, Il. 15 f. (Cairo, 1379/1959), speaks
against it] with perfume to make livid an(y) obnoxious liar.
(He
has) truly this unique position (al-maqam).
This has been transmitted by Layth from Mujahid.
Inscriptions in verse or prose on the walls
of houses are a standard device of the Arabic literary imagination. It seems
most unlikely that a man in Tabari's position and at his advanced age would
have been so childish as to write inflammatory verses on the walls of his
house. Someone else might have done it in order to provoke the Hanbalite mob.
Presumably, however, the mural poetry was a literary embellishment invented by
Hanbalites which crept into the vague reports about the event [283. The entire preceding account is not in TB and Ibn 'Asakir. It
appears in Irshad, VI, 436, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 57-9, and (quoted by?( Safadi,
Waft, II, 286 f. See also Kern's introduction to his edition of lkhtilaf, 8 f].
The fact that historians report another bloody incident about maqaman mahmudan involving
followers of the late Abu Bakr al-Marrudhi for the year 317/929 [284. See Ibn al-Athir, Knmil, ed. Tornberg, VIII, 157 f.,
and, with only minor differences, a Berlin manuscript described as al-Birzali
's History and quoted in the introduction of lkhtilaf, ed. Kern, 9. The
incident is, however, unreported in the other sources consulted by me.
Schreiner, Gesammelte Schriften, 436 f (- ZDMG 52 (18981, 535 f.), refers to a
ninth/fifteenth-century author.] neither confirms nor invalidates the
historicity of the event involving Tabari.
The circumstances surrounding the debate
about the "praiseworthy position" deserve some more clarification. In
his Musnad, Ibn Hanbal includes no traditions that support the interpretation
of the phrase as referring to the Prophet's being seated on the divine Throne [285. Sec Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, 1, 375 f., 398 f., III, 354,
for traditions on intercession . For the tradition of Gabriel sitting " on
a footstool " or "on the throne," presumably the divine Throne,
between heaven and earth, sec Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, III, 306: Ibn Hajar, Fath, X,
305]. One might argue that the very fact that Ibn Hanbal has nothing to
say about the impossibility of Mujahid's interpretation could indicate that it
could not be ruled out, using a type of argument employed by Tabari in his
discussion of the matter. This, however, is very unlikely. Ibn Hanbal may have simply
disregarded Mujahid's tradition as irrelevant or objectionable. After all, it
had no isndd going back to more ancient authorities or the Prophet, while there
were traditions having the Prophet's seal of approval that referred to
intercession. Clearly, this made it necessary to invent an appropriate
Prophetical tradition for Muhammad's place on the divine Throne, and this was done.
Ibn Battah (d. 387/997) listed one such tradition with the isnad Nafi'-
'Abdallah b. 'Umar-the Prophet [286. See Laoust,
Profession de foi d'Ibn Batta, text, 61, trans., i12 f., especially note i . In
addition to Mujahid , al-Wahidi (d. 468 / 1075 ) refers to a tradition of In
Masud, see RAzi , Tafsir, XXI, 32. He may have the same tradition in mind,
mixing tip, as it sometimes happens, 'Abdallah b. Umar and 'Abdallah b. Masud.
A tradition of 'A'ishah on the subject is discussed in Ibn al -Jawzi, Daf', 81,
hadith no. 39.]. He is certain not to have invented it himself. When it
made its first appearance is hard to say; evidently, Abu Bakr al-Khallal in the
early years of the century did not yet know it.
In Tafsir, Tabari has a long and interesting
discussion of the "praise worthy position “ [287.
See Tafsir, XV, 97 , 1. io-too, 1. 22. See the translation below, Appendix A,
below, pp. 149-51 . For another partial translation, see Andrae, Person, 270-2.
For Tabari ' s real feelings about Mujihid and his tradition , it may be
indicative that he rejects a view expressed by him with unusual harshness in
connection with his commentary on the same verse of the Qur ' an, see Tafsir,
XV, 96, 11. 26-31.]. It again
shows him to be the great compromiser. He admits that intercession is the
interpretation that is solidly documented and which therefore has the best
claim to being correct. However, he says, the other interpretation cannot
entirely be ruled out. As the composition of Tafsir antedates the events described, it
might be argued that Tabari interpolated the discussion in Tafsir after
publication when Hanbalite hostilityz took such a truly ugly turn [288. The information that he went even a step farther and
apologized to the Hanbalites is suspect, see below, 104 f].This cannot
be proved. It might be assumed that he took at first a conciliatory attitude
such as is displayed in Tafsir and renounced it at some later date when he got
disgusted with Hanbalite violence. This seems more likely,but again there is no
hard evidence for it. Whatever it was, the view expressed in Tafsir did nothing
to assuage Hanbalite opposition to him which appears to have had deeper roots
than merely disagreement about a catchy slogan.
The arguments marshalled by Tabari for the
purpose of making Mujahid's tradition admissible were derived from speculative
theology and show him adept in its ways of thinking and debating. The basic
issue, as he sees it, is the problem of contiguity (mumassah). It had its proper place in physics but was transferred
to theology by religious thinkers [289. See Pines,
Atomenlehre, 8 f., and, for instance, Juwayni, Shamil, 455 ff]
Al-Ash'ari (ca 260-324/873(41-935(6)), who lived most of his life in al-Basrah
and was but a generation removed from Tabari, considered the matter important
enough to refer to it in his discussion of anthropomorphism (taisim). God is not upon the Throne,
except in the sense that He is above it but does not touch it. According to
Hisham b. al-Hakam, God's location is in one specific place (fi makan dun makan). His place is the
Throne, and He is in touch with it. The Throne encompasses and delimits Him.
Another view holds that the Creator fills the Throne and is in touch with it.
At this point, al-Ash'ari adds that some hadith scholars hold that the Throne
is not filled by Him and that He (is thus able to) seat His Prophet with
Himself on the Throne [290. See Ashari, Magalat, 210
f., and, in different connections , 35, 155, 221, 301-4.]. Tabari
considers the problem of God completely filling the Throne. He remarks on His
contiguity and finds that only three possibilities apply to it. For him,
however, the crucial point that must be made is that God's seating of Muhammad
on the Throne, with or without Himself, does not imply divinity
("lordship" rububiyyah) for the Prophet or deny his status as a human
being ("servantship" 'ubudiyyah).
In fact, the implied hint at Muhammadan divinity would appear to be the most
objectionable feature of Mujahid's tradition. In touching upon this aspect,
Tabari comes close to the possible reason why Mujahid might have made this seemingly
un-Islamic statement. Christianity speaks of the Son not only as sitting on a
throne but also of some mysterious being as sitting together with the Father in
His Throne (Rev. 3:21). Even in remote Mecca, Mujahid could have heard about
these views or seen one of the many representations of the Trinity or the enthroned
Christ [291. Not much can be made in this connection of
the allegation that Mujahid used material provided by Christians and Jews in
his Qur'an commentary. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, V, 344, 1. 7, and the remark
transmitted through Abu Bakr b. 'Ayyash (below, translation , n. 72) in
Dhahabi, Mizan, III, 439; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X, 43; Sezgin, GAS, 1, 29. As one
would expect, Dhahabi refers to Mujahid's view of maqaman mahmudan with
disapproval. On Mujahid and the vibrating of the divine Throne, see Goldziher,
Richtungen, 108 f]. He may very well have felt that Muhammad s.a.w should
be similarly distinguished as was the prophet of Christianity.
The Hanbalites were probably to be blamed for
occasional difficulties Tabari experienced in scheduling his lectures and for
deterring a few out-of-town students from attending them or otherwise receiving
instruction from him. Those who knew Tabari best always played down the inconveniences
he suffered from the Hanbalites. Considerable uncertainty attaches to the
reports of what went on at the time of his death. Tabari is said to have been
virtually prevented from leaving his house. When he died, some questionable sources report that it was
necessary to bury him "at night" [292. This
key element appears in Miskawayh, Eclipse, 1, 84; Ibn al-Jawzi, Muntazam, VI,
172; Ibn al-Ateir, Kamil, ed. Tornberg, VIII, 98; Irshad, VI, 423, 1. 17, ed .
Rifa'i, XVIII, 40, f. Yaqut remarks that he had this information from an
unspecified source . The principal sources agree that Tabari was buried on the
morning after his death.] in his courtyard, apparently in order to
forestall any untoward incidents at the funeral. It was not unusual for
individuals to be buried in their houses [293. For
instance, Abu Bakr b. Mujahid was buried in a turbah in the harem of his house
in Suq al-'Atash. See above, n. 12 1.], but it would not have been done
ordinarily under the cover of darkness. If there was indeed noisy picketing of
his home by Hanbalites which posed a threat of violence, it would have been
taken care of expeditiously, and "tens of thousands soldiers" (used
figuratively for enormously many) would hardly have been required. It is
virtually unthinkable that someone of Tabari's prominence and social standing would
have been left without a well-attended funeral, unless he himself wanted it
that way, and that anyone could have stopped such a funeral from taking place.
Half a century earlier, something seemingly similar had happened, possibly also
as the result of Hanbalite machinations. The great mystical writer al-Muhasibi was
prevented from teaching, and, when he died, only four persons dared to attend
his funeral [294. See van Ess, Gedankenwelt, to f.].
There is no proof that the events supposedly surrounding Tabari's death and
funeral were merely a calque on what was believed to have happened earlier to
alMuhasibi. At any rate, the latter was not as important a public figure as was
Tabari, whose death reverberated through all the leading and influential
circles in Baghdad. It is more likely that if there were not very many people
present when he was buried, it was because he himself had expressed the wish
that it should be that way. The role of Hanbalite hostility, though real, seems
to have been exaggerated in connection with his death as it was in his life.
His Death
Death came to Tabari on Monday, Shawwal 27,
310/February 17,
923 [295. The complete dates found in TB, II, 166, were the only
ones known to later biographers. The slight divergences between them can be
interpreted in favor of the Monday date accepted here. Ibn Kamil , who was
present when Tabari died, has Sunday evening, at two nights remaining of the
month of Shawwal. Converting the date to Shawwal 27, this would be Monday,
February IT Another of Tabari's students, who presumably was also there at the
time, was'Isa b. Hamid b. Bishr al-gadiId. 368/979; see TB, XI, 178 f.j. He has
Saturday evening, at four nights remaining. This would be Shawwal 25,
corresponding to Saturday, February 15. Safadi, Wafi, 11, 284 f ., understands
this date to refer to Shawwa126, which, however, would correspond to Sunday,
February 16. The decisive factor in favor of the Monday date is the incidental
reference by al-Farghani to the fact that Tabari died on a Monday. See below,
n. 300.]. He
was buried in his house the following morning. People prayed at his grave night
and day for some time after his death [296. This fact
is always stressed, apparently on the authority of Ibn Kamil. See TB, 11, 166,
1. 19.]. As was customary, many eulogies were composed. One by the
famous philologist Ibn Durayd, with whom Tabari was acquainted [297. On Ibn Durayd (223-321/838-933), see Ell III, 757 f.,
s. v. He reported Tabari ' s remark on Abu Hatim al-Sijistani; see above , n.
16o], is preserved in its entirety. A few verses are quoted of the
eulogy of Abu Sa'id b. al-Arabi, apparently the mystic Abu Sa'id Ahmad b.
Muhammad b. Ziyad [298. See TB, II, 166-9; Ibn `Asakir,
XCI-XCVI, and the other biographers for his and In Durayd's eulogies. For Ibn
al-Arabi (246-341/860-953), see Sezgin, GAS, I, 66o f. The addition of
"Abu Said " in Ibn 'Asakir and Dhahabi, Nubald', XIV, 282, makes the
identification virtually certain . It would seem unexpected to find a writer on
mystical topics among the mourners of Tabari (see above, n. 227). Moreover, as
far as we know, Ibn al-A'rahi had no ties to Baghdad. Ibn 'Asakir, XCII,
further quotes verses by a certain Muhammad b. al-Rumi, apparently a mawla of
the Tahirid family].
Legends, as they were commonly invented to
glorify the last moments of life of great men, were also reported about Tabari.
He was told in his dying hours about a particular prayer unknown to him. He
called for ink and paper to record it. Asked why he did that in his hopeless
condition, he replied: "Everybody should use any opportunity to acquire
new knowledge until he is dead [299. See Ibn 'Asakir,
LXXXIV. The transmission of the report involved al-Mu'afa and a member of the
Ibn al-Furst family]. On the Monday on which he died, al-Farghani
reports, he asked for water to make the ablution for the noon prayer. When it
was suggested to him that, weak as he was, he should combine the noon prayer
with the afternoon prayer, he refused [300. See
Ibn'Asakir, LXXXVIII f. Al-Farghani had the information from Abu Bakr (b. Sahl)
al-Dinawari].
He had a last word for his assembled students
and friends, among them Ibn Kamil, who asked for advice that would be
beneficial for them to achieve salvation. His answer was worthy of the single-minded
scholar he had been all his life: "My advice for you is to follow my
religious practice and to act in accordance with what I have explained in my books-or
something like it," the reporter rather lamely adds. "Then he
repeated the confession of faith and mentioned God many times. He wiped his
face with his hand and used it to close his eyes. When he let go, his spirit
had left his body [301. See Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXIX,
continuing the preceding report. For another deathbed story involving Ibn
Kamil, see above, n. 237].
There were always dreams conveying messages
from the other world. Tabari, too, had his message for a dreamer. Everything
that had happened to him, and which others would have to face when they died,
was really and truly good, he insisted. The dreamer then asked him whether he
had been welcomed by God and would be willing to remember him to God. Tabari
took his wrist into his hand and pressed it to his breast, exclaiming:
"You ask me to remember you to God, when we are taking you to the
Messenger of God to give you his support? [302. Sec Ibn
'Asakir, XCVI. The dreamer was a Hashimite, al-Hasan b. 'Abd al-'Aziz. He was
in charge of public prayers (sahib al-saldh) at the mosque of alRusafah, and he
died seventy-five years old in 333/945. See TB, VI, 339.] The Prophet,
he meant to say, was more effective than he could be, and entry to the Prophet
was assured to someone like him who had devoted more than seventy years to
Islam with his immortal labors as a jurist and expert in traditions, Qur'an
interpreter, and historian.
CONTINUED
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