HISTORY OF TABARI VOLUME 1 PART 6

HISTORY OF TABARI

VOLUME 1

General Introduction

Translator's Foreword

 

The Life and Works of al-Tabari

A Remark on the Sources

His Early Life (lanjutan)

 

His Works

  The major works of Tabari were first "dictated" in lectures. He worked on them at various times throughout his life. Their subject matter allowed for separate treatment of parts dealing with self-contained subjects. There is a considerable difference between the dates of final publication and the earlier dates when substantial portions of a given work got into circulation. This is the main reason why what seem to be the same works are referred to under different titles and what seem to be different titles are really books forming part of the final publication of one and the same work.

  Tabari's method of citing his own works is not uniform and raises at times some doubt as to whether the same work is meant. He prefers reference to subject matter. Formal titles were usually disregarded by him, if, in fact, they ever existed. Some works are described as having been incomplete at the time of his death. In his eighties, he had many incompleted large-scale projects; he must have worked on them for a long time and presumably used them in his lecturing. Their titles were naturally never fixed.

  Another complicating factor affecting earlier bibliographers as well as us is the loss of the lists of Tabari 's works in their original forms . Those who preserved extracts from the bibliographies also had no longer any knowledge of many of the works listed. They also could not check the fate of supposedly unfinished books.

  We have a certain amount of external and internal evidence for the order of his works as to the time of composition or publication . Our information is, however, incomplete . Thus, it is not advisable to arrange the following bibliography chronologically. The safe procedure chosen here is to follow an alphabetical arrangement according to the first words of known or presumptive titles and to provide ample cross-references.

  Listings in square brackets are to titles which appear to be parts of other works , or to works wrongly attributed to Tabari . The alphabetization disregards kitdb , risdlah , and the preposition fi. For an attempt to present the works according to chronological order and to subject matter , see Appendix B, below, pp. 152-54.

[Al-Adab al - hamidah wa - al-akhlaq al - nafisah and slightly different forms : See Addb al- nufus]

[Adab al-hukkam " The proper ways of procedure for judges": See Basi f]

Adab al - manasik "The proper ways of performing the ritual of the pilgrimage"

Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXI f  [303. Ibn 'Asakir seems to have been quoted by Maqrizi , Muqaffa].

  Kitab Adab al-mandsik . The work deals with what a pilgrim needs from the day he leaves ( for the pilgrimage) and what he should choose to take care of [304. This translates al-itmam, but the reading is dubious . De Goe)e 's correction to al-ayyam " the days he should select" may be preferable.] for the beginning of his journey, what he should say and what prayers he should say upon mounting and descending , and the noteworthy sacred places (al-mandzil wa-al-mashdhid) he should see, and so on , during his entire pilgrimage.

  Irshad VI, 453, 1. 1 , ed. Rifa ' i, XVIII, 81, 1. 3, mentions only the title which he states to be Mukhtasar manasik al-hajj. Dhahabi, Nubala', XIV, 1. 4, shortens Ibn 'Asakir's title to Kitab alManasik [305. A passage in Murtada al-Zabidi , Ithaf, V, 352, t. t, cites Tabari as reporting ft al-manasik a tradition from Mujahid 's Qur' an commentary. It may refer to this work, but the subject matter dealt with has no explicit connection to the pilgrimage and the reference could be to any of Tabari' s legal works].

Adab al-nufus "The proper ways of spiritual behavior"

  The work is quoted under the title of  Kitab al-Adab al-hamidah wa-al-akhlaq al-nafisah by al-Tanukhi ( see above, n. 197) and Kitab al-Adab al -nafisah wa - al-akhlaq al-hamidah by Dhahabi, Nubala', XIV, 277, 11. r2 f. There are other variants , but there can be no doubt as to their referring to Adab al-nufus. The use of the title in quotations may indicate that manuscripts bearing it were in circulation . The former title also appears in Hajji Khalifah, ed. Yaltkaya , I, 42, from which it was derived by d'Herbelot, Bibliothaque, 52b.

Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXI:

  He started on the Adab al-nufus. It is another of his precious works. He structured in it man's religious duties according to all parts of the human body beginning with the heart, the tongue, the eyes, the ears, and soon. It includes the traditions on the subject from the Prophet, the Companions, the Followers, and all those who can be used as evidence. In the work, he also mentions and refers to as evidence the discussions of Sufis and pious men, including their reported deeds and all that is clearly correct there. He did not complete the work.

  Irshdd, VI, 449,1. 18-450,1.14, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 76,1.14-77, L 15:

  One of his fine works is the one entitled Adab [306. The singular adab is used in the passage, instead of the usual plural adab.] al-nufus al-jayyidah wa-al-akhlaq al-nafisah , often called by him Adab al-nafs al-sharifah wa-al-akhlaq al-hamidah. In its introduction (tarjamah), he went into great detail with respect to the religious sciences, excellence, asceticism , sincere devotion, gratitude, and the discussion of hypocrisy, haughtiness, submissiveness, humility, and patience [307. It may be noted that all these topics were treated in Sufi handbooks] as well as the command to do good and the prohibition to do evil. He began with a discussion of Satanic inspiration (waswasah) and psychologically motivated human actions (amal al-qulub). Then he mentioned a good deal about prayer (do'a'), the excellence of the Qur'an, and the moments and indications as to when prayer is heard. He included the traditions on the subject transmitted from the Prophet's practice (sunan) and the statements of the Companions and the Followers. He discontinued lecturing (on the work, imld') at some point in thediscussion of the command to do good and the prohibition to do evil. About five hundred folios were made public by him.

  He had done four parts which had not yet been made public in lectures. (Those four parts) were in the hands of the copyist/bookseller (al-warraq) Abu Said 'Umar b. Ahmad alDinawari [308. See above , n. 202.] when (the latter) left for Syria with them. He was waylaid on the road. Only two parts remained in his possession. They contained the discussion of man's duties to God in connection with his senses of seeing and hearing. He had begun (those four parts) in 310/922. He died a short while after having discontinued lecturing. He used to say: "If this book is made public, it will be a beauty." For after the discussion of man's rights and duties, he wanted to continue it to (indicating) the protection thereby offered against the dangers of the Day of Resurrection and the conditions governing it and the circumstances and happenings in the other world and mention Paradise and the Fire.

  Irshad, VI, 437, 11. i6-18, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 6o, 11. 4-6, and similarly VI, 456, 11. 14 f., ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 86, 11. 5-7, refers to Adab al-nufus as indicative of Tabari's asceticism, abstinence, humility, integrity, purity of action, sincerity of intent, and propriety in whatever he died.

  The title Adab al-nufus appears again in $afadi , Miff, II, 286, 1.4, with no further information. Dhahabi, Nubald', XIV, 274, 11. 2 f., was confused by Ibn 'Asakir's text, on which he drew, and considered Tartib al-'ulama' mentioned immediately before as an independent work, while it is presumably a part of Basit. This results in his stating that "the Tartib al-'ulama' is one of his precious works . He started out in it with the Addb al-nufus and Sufi statements. He did not complete the work."

  For al-Tanukhi's quotation from the work, see above, n. 197. The passage preserved in Dhahabi, Nubald', 277, was quoted as an example of Tabari's stylistic elegance . It reflects the pietistic tone of the work . It consists of a chapter heading and the beginning words of the chapter, apparently taken from the work's opening pages:

  The explanation of [the state) which makes it necessary [309. Read yujibu for yajibu] for a human being to check his state with respect to his psychologically motivated activity for God

  There is no state of the believer where his enemy (Satan) who is in charge of him does not try to entice him to his own way and to lie in wait for him, so as to block his (progress along ) the straight roads of his Lord . Thus Satan said to his Lord, as he was made by Him one of those hoping for "postponement ": " I shall lie ( in wait ) for them along Your straight path. Then I shall approach them from in front and from behind” [310. Qur. 7:14-17].  He was hoping to make his hostile expectation come true , as expressed in what he said to his Lord:"If You grant me postponement to the Day of Resurrection, I shall indeed take over control of (Adam's) progeny with few exceptions” [311. Qur. 17:62] .  It is therefore every intelligent person's duty to train himself strenuously to make ( Satan 's) expectations not come true, to frustrate his hope, and to make every effort to humiliate him. Nothing in human activity is more detested by Satan than man's obedience to his Lord and disobedience to his own (Satan's) command, and nothing gives him greater joy than ( man's ) disobedience to his Lord and his following his own (Satan ' s) command.

  (Adab a1-qudah or Adab al-qadi "The proper ways of procedure or judges ": See Basit)

Al-Adar (?) fi al- usul "? on the principles"

Irshad, VI, 453, 1. 4, ed. Mai, XVIII, 81, 11. 6 f.:

He promised the Kitab al-'-d-r fi al-usul but made nothing of it public.

  The "principles " are presumably those of jurisprudence , here to be treated in monograph form. Neither editor of Irshad indicates what '- 1-'-d-r could possibly mean . Assuming some slight corruption in the text , fi al-u$ ul may not be part of a title, and something totally different may be concealed under the reading '-1-'-d-r.

(Ahkam shara'i ' al-Islam " The laws of the Muslim religion" )

This was the working title for a comprehensive exposition ofthe shari ' ah that Tabari had apparently planned but never executed as intended . See Ta fsir, I, 37 (translated below , 1' 3), and II, 352, 1. i6 (ad Qur. 2:238).]

[Fi ahl al- baghy "On wrongdoers ( rebels )": See Latif]

[Risalat al -Akhlaq "On moral behavior ": See Mujaz]

[Amthilat al-'udul " Forms for attorneys"]

This is said to be the title of a book on document forms (shurut), a part of Latif. ]

(al-'Aqidah "( Tabari's) Creed ": See Sarih )

Listed as a separate title in Sezgin , GAS, I, 328, no. 8, the "Creed " is identical with Sarih . A quotation from it in Dhahabi, Nubald ', XIV, 280, and 'Uluww , i5o, corresponds to Sarih, text, 198, trans., 192.1

[Al-At'imah "Dietary laws": See Latif ]

(Al-Basir ft ma'alirh al-din: See Tabsir]

Basit al-qawl ft ahkam shara'i' al-Islam "A plain and simple exposition of the laws of the Muslim religion"

 

  This title was used by Tabari in History, I, 1455 • He says there with reference to divergent statements as to how the Prophet performed the " prayer of fear" upon meeting with potential enemies during the raid of Dhat al - riga ': " God willing, I shall mention the different statements in our book entitled Basit al-qawl ft ahkam shard 'i' al-Islam in the book on the prayer of fear [312. History, 1, 1453 ff., places the raid of Dhat al-rigs ' in the year 4/626. The circumstances were very much debated, and no agreement appears to have been achieved about the date of the raid and about the prayer of fear (saldt al - khawf) connected with it . See the long exposition in In Haar , Fath, VIII, 420-33 . See also, for instance , Ibn Hisham, Sirah , ed. WUstenfeld, 661 ff., trans . Guillaume, 445-57. In Hajar, 426 f., refers to the passage in History, I, 1455, in a rather unclear manner, his reference to Tafsir may refer to Tafsir, VI, 94 ( ad Qur. 5:11).].

Ibn al-Nadim , Fihrist , 234, 11. 22-24:

  Kitab al-Bash fi al-fiqh. He did not complete it. The following books of it have been made public : The large book on document forms (shurut), records and documents (almahddir wa-al-sijillat), last wills (al-wasaya), the procedure for judges (adab al-qadi ), ritual purity, prayer, and charity taxes.

Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXI:

  He started on his book al-Basit . He made public its book on ritual purity in something like 1500 folios . ( The size was that large ) because in each chapter , he mentioned the disagreements of the Companions , the Followers , and others according to their ways of transmission ( that is, the various recensions in which their statements were transmitted). He also mentioned their reasons for the views chosen by them as their madhhab and added his own preference and the arguments for it at the end of each chapter. He made public most of the Basit's book on prayer and the entire Adab alhukkam[313. The correct reading al -hukkam, as against the text 's al-ahkam , is attested by Subki, Tabagat , and Magrizi , Muqaffa. The work is identical with Adab al. qadf/Adab al- qudah],  as well as the book on records and documents and the classification of scholars (Tartib al-'ulama') [314. Dhahabi, Nubala', XIV, 273, 1.21-274 , 1.2, has an abridged version , as does Subki, Tabaqat, III, 122. $afadi , Waff, 11, 286, 1. 4, merely has Basic al-pawl.]

Irshdd, VI, 448, 1. r8-449,1. 17, ed. Rifa 'i, XVIII, 75,1.7-76,1.13:

  One of his excellent works is the one entitled Basit alqawl fi ahkam shara'i' al-Islam. He prefaced it with an interesting book entitled Mardtib al-'u1ama'[315. Tartib al-'ulama']. He included in it the invocation (khutbah) of the work and urged the reader to acquire religious and legal knowledge. He strongly criticized those of his colleagues [316. The pronominal suffix refers to his own colleagues and students (see also n. 317. His criticism was no doubt held in general terms without naming names.] who restricted themselves to transmitting it without using its contents in their juridical activities. Then he mentioned the scholars among the Companions of the Messenger of God who held legal views like himself (tafaqqaha 'ala madhhabihi)[ 317. The pronominal suffix does not refer to the Prophet but to his own legal school], and the jurists of the major centers of the following four (generations) who successively transmitted that material. He started with Medina as the place to which the Prophet emigrated as well as his successors Abu Bakr ra, 'Umar ra, and 'Uthman ra, and those after them [318. Note that 'All is not mentioned]. (He continued with) Mecca, the Noble Sanctuary, followed by the two Iraqs al-Kufih and al-Basrah, and then Syria and Khurasin. After discussing ritual purity, he worked on the book on prayer. In this work (that is, the entire Basit), he mentioned the disagreements and agreements among scholars exhaustively with clear explanations of (the views expressed by them) and the indication of who held a particular view, and then he stated what was correct (in his opinion in each case) [319. See above, n. 216.]. He made public about two thousand folios.

  He (also) published the Basit's Kitab Adab al-qudah, an outstanding accomplishment that is highly esteemed among his (publications, al-ma'dndah lahu) because, after the invocation (khutbah), he mentioned in it the praiseworthy character of judges and their secretaries. (He discussed) how judges must act after being appointed, what they must accept and what they must look at critically and then reverse earlier legal judgments . ( He also included ) a discussion of records (sijillat), legal testimony (by experts, shahddat), claims (of litigants, da'awi), and evidence (bayyinat) [320. These are the ordinary elements of court proceedings . If the rest of the paragraph is correctly translated , it means that the entire work was to include much more legal material of interest to jurists and judges , but only a thousand folios were so far available of the chapter on judges.]. It was to include a discussion of all the legal knowledge needed by judges (al-hakim), until he would finally be through with it. It is one thousand folios.

  Tabari used to recommend to his colleagues and students to devote serious study to Basit and Tahdhib in preference to any other of his works.

[Al-Bayan fi usul al-ahkam " A clear exposition of the legal principles" : See Latif]

[Al-Dalalah 'ala nubuwwat (Rasul Allah) "Evidence for the Prophethood of the Messenger of God"

Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl., I, 218, lists this title with reference to History, 1, 1146:

  Abu Ja'far says: Reports on the Prophethood (of Muhammad s.a.w) are innumerable. Therefore, if God wills, a monograph should by devoted to them.

  Such a monograph may actually have been written by Tabari and become part of one of his other publications, or he may have intended to write one and never did, but al-Dalalah... was certainly never meant to be an actual title and was merely a description of the contents.]

  Dhayl al-Mudhayyal "The Appendix (with historical information  on religious scholars , needed in connection with History)"

The public presentation of Dhayl started after 300/912-3; see below.

  The skimpy selection (muntakhab) from the work that is preserved and was published with History, III, 2295-2561, ed. Cairo, XI, 492-705, repeatedly refers to "al-Mudhayyal" as if this were another work (and Dhayl al-Mudhayyal a supplement to it), but presumably, the complete text of the work, now lost, entitled Dhayl al-Mudhayyal, was meant [321. For the references , see May], III, 2321, 2335, 2358, 1476, ed. Cairo, XI, 512, 523, 540, 628.] AI-Farghani's Ijazah refers to "Kitab Ta'rikh al-rijal 'History of personalities (= religious scholars)', entitled Dhayl alMudhayyal [322. See Irshad, VI, 426, I. 18, ed . Rifa'i, XVIII, 44, 1. 18.]. In fact, the work is often listed as Ta'rikh alrijal; see Ibn'Asakir (below); Dhahabi, Nubala', XIV, 273,11.8-10; $afadi, Waft, II, 285, 11. 20 f.; Subki, Tabagat, III, 121, 1. 9.

Ibn 'Asakir, LXXIX:

  Also complete is Ta'rikh al-rijal, dealing with the Companions, the Followers, and their successors down to his own authorities from whom he wrote down (kataba) information.

Irshad, VI, 445, 11. 6-17, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 70, 1. 9-71, 1. 3:

  His book entitled Kitab Dhayl al-mudhayyal. It includes the history (dates, ta'rikh) of the Companions of the Messenger of God who were killed or died during his life or after his death, in order of their relative closeness to him and to the Quraysh with respect to tribal affiliation. He then mentioned (the dates of) death of the Followers and the ancient Muslims after them, then their successors and down to his own teachers with whom he studied (sami'a). He in cluded a number (jumalan) of their traditions and opinions (akhbarihim wa madhahibihim), speaking up in defense of the outstanding scholars among them who were accused of holding opinions they did not, as, for instance , al-Hasan alBasri, Qatadah, `Ikrimah [323. For these ancient Muslims , see below, translation, nn. 642, 64, and 161. The preserved excerpt of Dhayl appears to contain the accusations leveled against 'Ikrimah, see III, 2483-85, ed. Cairo, XI, 633-5.], and others. (On the other hand,) he also mentioned the weakness [324. Irshad, ed. Rif3'i, has a meaningless sirf for daf.] and softness of transmitters who were considered weak and soft. At the end, the work contains fine chapters on those whose brothers transmitted traditions from them, fathers and sons (who transmitted from one another), and those who were not known by their names but by their patronymics, and vice versa. It is a truly excellent work which hadith students and historians are eager to have. He made it public in lectures after the year 300/912-3. It is about one thousand folios.

  In another context, Irshad, VI, 454, 1. 15, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 83, 1.10, adds that the beginning of Dhayl dealt with objectionable sectarian views, presumably, if the statement is correct, those falsely ascribed to early Muslims (?). In its lecture form, the work contained high praise for Abu Hanifah; see above, n. 237.

 Al-Fada'il "The virtues ( and remarkable accomplishments and statements of certain ancient Muslims)"

  Tabari worked at different times on a project to collect comprehensive information on the "virtues" of the first four caliphs [325.'Uthman ra is only mentioned in Ibn 'Asakir in a rather perfunctory fashion. It is impossible to be sure, but he may have been intentionally excluded from the Fadd'il series, despite Tabari's ordinary view of the first four caliphs.] as well as al-'Abbas, the ancestor of the ruling 'Abbasids. The formal titles of these works, if there were any, are in doubt.

  The Fada'il Abi Bakr wa-'Umar are listed as an unfinished work in Irshad, VI, 452,1. i8, ed. Rif3'i, XVIII, 8o f. According to Irshad, VI, 45 5 f., ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 85, 11.5 f., Tabari wrote his work in response to extremist Shi'ah slander of the Prophet's Companions and began with Abu Bakr  ra and 'Umar ra. The Fadd'il al-'Abbas ra are listed in the immediately following lines. In the second passage, Irshad adds: "He began with a fine invocation (khutbah) and lectured on some of it. He discontinued all lecturing before his death, because he considered it too bothersome a task." It is not entirely clear whether this refers to the Fada'il of Abu Bakr ra and 'Umar ra or those of al-'Abbas, or both. Most likely it refers to all of Tabari's lecturing activity.

  The Fada'il 'Ali b. Abi Talib ra, which also remained incomplete, constitute a special case, as intimated in the sources.

  Ibn 'Asakir , LXXXII, used by Dhahabi , Nubala ', XIV, 274, 11. 6-9:

  When Tabari learned that Abu Bakr b. Abi Dawud alSijistani [326. See above, n. 229] spoke critically about the tradition of Ghadir Khumm [327.On the celebrated and controversial designation by Muhammad s.a.w of 'Ali ra as his putative successor at the Pool of Khumm, see En, II, 993 f., s. v. Ghadir Khumm.], he composed the Kitab al-Fadd'il. He started with the virtues of Abu Bakr ra, 'Umar ra, 'Uthman ra, and 'Ali ra and critically discussed and argued in favor of the soundness of the tradition of Ghadir Khumm. His work came to an end with what he mentioned of the virtues of the Commander of the Faithful 'All.

  Irshad, VI, 452, 11. 16 f., ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 8o, 11. 15-17, briefly states that "in the beginning of the Kitdb Fada'il 'Ali b. Abi Talib ra, he critically (and favorably) discussed the soundness of the traditions (akhbar) on Ghadir Khumm and had this discussion followed by the virtues (of 'Ali ra). He did not finish the work."

  Ibn Kimil's report as reproduced in Irshad, VI, 455,1. 11-456,1. 1, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 84, 1. 13-85, 1. 7, is more detailed:

  One of the scholars in Baghdad [328. His identity as indicated in Ibn 'Asakir is no doubt correct. It would be interesting to know whether the omission of the name was due to Ibn Kamil and, if so, why he might have omitted it.] had declared the Ghadir Khumm (episode) to be untrue because, he said, 'Ali b. Abi Talib ra was in the Yemen at the time when the Messenger of God was at Ghadir Khumm. In a muzdawwij poem containing descriptions of each place and station (in Arabia, connected with the Prophet's biography [?]), that man inserted the following lines alluding to the significance of the tradition of Ghadir Khumm:

  Then we passed by Ghadir Khumm, Subject to a large number of fraudulent statements About 'Ali and the illiterate Prophet (al-ummli)).

  When Abu Ja'far learned about it, he started on a discussion of the virtues of 'Ali b. Abi Talib ra and mentioned the various recensions of the tradition of Khumm. Many people flocked to listen to (his lectures on) the subject.

  Some extremist Shi'ites, who unseemingly slandered the Companions, came together. So Tabari started (to write) on the virtues of Abu Bakr ra and 'Umar ra. Then the 'Abbisids asked him about the fada'il of al-'Abbas. He began.... (see above)."

  In view of the importance of the subject for Shiah history, notice was occasionally taken of Tabari's work among Shiites. The Shi'ah bibliographer al-Tusi commented on it as follows:

  The historian Tabari, not (his) Shi'ah (namesake), composed a Kitab Ghadir Khumm, commenting on the subject.

  We were informed about it by Ahmad b. 'Abdun-Abu Bakr al-DUri-Ibn Kamil-Tabari [329. See Tusi, Fihrist, 178. The only individual in the isnad not commonly connected with Tabari is Ahmad b. 'Abdun. He is said to have been known as Ibn Hashir; see the editor 's introduction of Tusi, Fihrist, It.]

  Later sunni discomfort with Tabari's effort was expressed by the fourteenth-century Ibn Kathir.

  (Tabari) concerned himself with the tradition of Ghadir Khumm and composed two volumes [330. See Kern's introduction of his edition of Ikhtilaf, 12, where the manuscript said to contain the history of al-Birziili is quoted as referring to two substantial volumes.]' on the subject. In those volumes, he reported the various recensions as they were transmitted and by whom. His discussion is a mixed bag of valuable and worthless, sound and unsound information. This is in keeping with the custom of many hadith scholars who (merely) report the information they have on a subject and make no distinction between what is sound and what is weak [331. See Ibn Kathir, Biddyah, V, 2o8. Ibn Kathir continues with a reference to Ibn 'Asakir who, he says, also reported many recensions of the Prophet's speech at Ghadir Khumm. The entire statement may go back to an older source, perhaps Ibn 'Asakir. It is rather unlikely that Ibn Kathir would have known Tabari's work.]

  The tentative conclusion which we may draw from all these statements would seem to be as follows: Tabari occasionally lectured on the "virtues" (as he did on the traditions; see Tahdhib) of some of the famous Companions. When an attack on the reliability of the report on the famous Shi'ah episode of Ghadir Khumm was published, he felt impelled to discuss the subject and could not avoid continuing with a substantial account of 'Ali' ra "virtues." The caliphal court then naturally suggested that equal time be given to their side and the virtues of al-'Abbas be properly extolled. Much politics of some sort or other was clearly involved in Tabari's dealing with all those matters important alike to the Shi'ah, the sunni orthodoxy, and the government authorities. While Tabari's personal identification with "orthodox" attitudes cannot be doubted, he appears to have tried to be evenhanded in an objective scholarly manner, much to the embarrassment of later sunni authors. He may have thought of putting all his lectures together in one major work on the "virtues" of the leading early Muslims. If he did, he did not live long enough to execute the project. Individual installments circulated for a while. It apparently did not take very long for them to become generally unavailable. Religio-political rancor and rivalry no doubt again played a role in their gradual disappearance.

[Kitab al-Fatwa "On legal decisions ": See below, n. 3431]

Al-Fasl bayn al-qira'ah "The (schools of) variant readings of the Qur'an presented in separate detail"

  This seems to be an approximately correct rendering of the rather strange title. In this form, it occurs only in Irshdd. It appears to have figured in Ibn Kamil's bibliography. Everywhere else, the work is simply described as dealing with the variant readings of the Qur'an (Kitab fi al-qira'at).

  For a manuscript of the work preserved in al-Azhar, which has not yet been published, see Sezgin, GAS, I, 328, no. 9, and Gilliot, "Les Sept lectures."

  AI-Jami' is also mentioned as a title. Quoting al-Dani, Ibn alJazari states that Tabari's "fine work on gira'at" was entitled alJami'.332 Maqrizi, Muqaffa, who also relied on al-Dani, does not mention the title. It may derive from a confusion with Jami' albayan, the title of Tafsir which, of course, was concerned with variant readings. In fact, Hajji Khalifah, ed. Yaltkaya, 1319a, lists Tabari's Jami' al-bayan (!) among works on gira'at, although elsewhere [332. See Ibn al - jazari , Ghayah, II, 107 ,11.5 f.; also idem , Nashr,1, 33: "a very substantial book containing over twenty (schools of) variants readings ." The passage from Nashr was reproduced (directly or from a common source) by Hajji Khalifah, ed. Yaltkaya, I, 576, under al-Jami' fi a]-qira'at al-'astir.], he has al-Jami' on qira'ah. From the sources available to him, Pretzl also concluded that al-Jami' was not a different work [333. See Noldeke-Schwally-Bergstrasser-Pretzl, 208, n. 7. From their work, Brockelmann, GAL2, 1, 149, derived the title Jami' al-qira'at min al-mashhdr waal-shawadhdh wa-Vial dhalika wa-sharhuhli]. It is, however, not entirely impossible, if unlikely, that a monograph on variant readings entitled al-Jami', as distinct from the work on gira'at, was produced by Tabari, perhaps based on Tafsir, or circulated under his name.

  Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 235, 1. 4, has Kitab al-Qird'at and lists no further title on Qur'an readings.

  Among Tabari's completed works, Ibn 'Asakir, LXXIX, mentions Kitab al-Qira'at wa-al-tanzil wa-al-'adad, apparently one and the same work. This means that it also dealt with subjects such as the dates of the revelation of various surahs and statistical data such as the number of their verses [334. Safadi, Wdfi, II, 285, 11.5 f., states that Tabari "wrote a work on qira'at" and lists it on 285, 1. 2o, as a] -Qira'at wa-al-'adad wa- al-tanzil wa-ikhtilaf al-'ulama'. He apparently understood ikhtilaf al-'ulama' as referring to differences with respect to Qur'an readings, and not as a reference to Ikhtilaf.].

  Irshad, VI, 441, 1. 17-443, 1. 17, ed. Rifai , XVIII, 65,1. 13-68, 1. 7, has much detail . Most of it derives from Ibn Kimil . It is however, unclear what was found in his bibliography or went back to some other Ibn Kamil tradition unconnected with the discussion of the work on Qur 'an readings . An obvious intrusion is a quotation from al-Farghani. The repeated reference to Abu'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam also speaks for different sources. With the exception of the Farghani passage , the following translation renders the entire text of Irshdd, which is instructive in many important respects:

  Kitab al-Fasl bayn al-gira'ah. He mentioned in it the differences of the Qur'an readers with respect to the variant readings (huruf) of the Qur'an. It is a very good work. He specified in it the names of the Qur'an readers in Medina, Mecca, al-Kufah, al-Basrah, Syria, and elsewhere. He gives separate details on each reading. He mentions it as is (wajh), its interpretation (ta'wl) [335. In Tafsir, Tabari refers to Qur'an interpreters commonly as ahl al-ta'wil, and much less frequently as ahl al-tafsir.],  the views expressed on it by each reader, and his own preference for what is correct on the basis of clear proof for the soundness of his preferred reading. It clearly shows his ability to interpret (tafsir) and establish the correct linguistic form (i'rab), an ability which nobody would deny is unmatched by other Qur'an readers, even though they were excellent scholars and enjoyed priority. He introduced the work with an appropriate invocation (khutbah).Such was his custom in his books. He started a given work with an invocation outlining its topic (ma'na) and then constructed its contents in accordance with (the outline presented in) the invocation [336. A good example is the khutbah "invocation/introduction" of History. See below, n. 445, and translation, n. 6.].

  Abu Ja'far was famous for his Qur'an recitation. Qur'an readers from afar and other people came to pray behind him in order to hear him read and recite the Qur'an [337. The proximity to the mention of Abu Bakr b. Mu)ahid Isee above , n. 121 ) in the following paragraph makes it likely that this paragraph also goes back to him.].

  When Abu Bakr b. Mujahid, says Ibn Kamil, mentioned Tabari, he praised him highly: "Nothing like his book on the subject (of qira'at) has ever been written," and he said to us:

  "I have never heard anyone who was a better Qur'an reader in the prayer niche (mihrab) than Abu Ja'far," or words to this effect.

  In Kamil continued: Abu Ja'far originally followed the Qur'an reading of Hamzah [338. Hamzah , one of the seven Qur'an readers, lived during the first threequarters of the second /eighth century. See E12, 111, 155, s. v. Hamzah b . Habib.], before he settled on his own reading.

  (A more detailed description of the development of Tabari ' s work in the field of Qur ' an reading is inserted here following al-Farghani.)

  Ibn Kamil continued quoting Abu Bakr b. Mujahid: After having highly praised his work on variant readings (kitabahu fi al-qira'at), (Ibn Mujahid) said: But I have found an error in it . He mentioned it to me, and I was astonished, since Tabari followed the reading and recitation of Hamzah. It was because Tabari based his work upon that of Abu 'Ubayd alQasim b. Sallam [339. The remark is repeated at the end of the quotation . For the important author Abu Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallim , see Brockelmann , GAL, Suppl. I, 166 f. (many of his works have meanwhile been published). Tabari often cites him in Tafsir as an indirect source (" I was told on the authority of ..."). Ahmad b. Yusuf alTha'labi (d. 273 /886, see TB, V, 218 f.), mentioned below, appears repeatedly as the intermediate transmitter . His nisbah is also given, probably incorrectly, as Taqhlibi]. AbU 'Ubayd had neglected that particular variant reading, and Tabari copied it that way.

  Ibn Kamil continued : Abu Ja' far told us the following: I heard about a Qur ' an reader in Suq Yahya [340. The Yahya Bazaar was located in al-Shammasiyyah near the Tigris Bridge, according to Le Strange , Baghdad, 1gg ff. and Map V (marked no . 45); Lassner, Topography, index] I went and read the Qur'an to him from the beginning to Qur. 2:26: "God is not ashamed ( yastahyi ) to coin a simile ." I repeatedly tried to make it clear to him that there were two ya's (in yastahyi). He objected, and eventually I said: Do you want still more of an explanation for the two yd's with an i vowel after the first? [341. The Egyptian edition of the Qur ' an spells yastahyi with one yd ' and indicates that the following i vowel is to be read as a long i (thus avoiding the implication that the alternate form yastahi may be meant). This appears to be the situation which Tabari wished to explain to the man who proved to be inordinately obtuse.] He did not know what I was talking about . So I got up and never went back to him.

  He continued: Tabari had in his possession the recension of  Warsh-Nafi' as transmitted to him by Yunus b. 'Abd al A'la from Warsh [342. For ' Uthman b. Said, nicknamed Warsh (II0-97/728(9} -812(3 ) 1, see Sezgin, GAS, I, II; Ibn al - jazari, Ghayah, I, 502 f. Nafl ' b. (Abd al-Rahman b .) Abi Nuaym, one of the seven Qur'an readers, lived in and beyond the first half of the second/eighth century, see Sezgin , GAS, I, 9 f. Yunus b. 'Abd al-A'la has been mentioned above, n. 99, as one of Tabari 's authorities during his visit to Egypt]. (Students) came to Tabari on account of it. As I was told, Abu Bakr b. Mujahid wanted to have private instruction in that recension from Tabari. Although (Ibn Mujahid) was a recognized scholar and esteemed by Tabari, the latter refused. (He told him) that he would teach it only, if others were present together with him. This did not sit well with Abu Bakr (b. Mujahid). Tabari's reasons for the refusal was that he disliked to let anyone have any knowledge that he did not (equally) impart also to others. This was his moral stance. When a number of students studied a book with him, and one of them was unable to be present, he would not permit only some (of the students in class to continue) to study. And if someone wanted to study a book (with him) in absentia, he would not teach him the book until he presented himself in person. An exception was the book on legal decisions (Kitab al-Fatwa) [343. No such title is mentioned among Tabari ' s works. It could be part of one of his other legal works, or it may not be a specific work but a file of legal decisions kept by him , in case he was asked to render a decision on a problem.].

  His work on variant readings comprises the work of Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam. It was in his possession as transmitted by Ahmad b. Yusuf al-Tha'labi on Abu 'Ubayd's authority. He based his own work on it.

  Irshad, VI, 427, 11. 6-9, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 45, 11. 10-14, quotes from a work on Qur'an reading entitled al-Igna' by Abu 'Ali alHasan b. 'Ali al-Ahwazi (d. 446/1054[5]:

  (Tabari's work) on gira'at, a truly great work ( or a massive, large work?). The copy I have seen was in eighteen volumes, albeit written in a large script. He mentioned in it all the readings, both those generally accepted (mashhur) and those that are unusual, with the reasons for each reading and comments on it. He did not diverge from what was generally known with respect to any reading he preferred (as being acceptable to him).

CONTINUED