HISTORY OF TABARI VOLUME 1 PART 7

HISTORY OF TABARI

VOLUME 1

General Introduction

Translator's Foreword

 

The Life and Works of al-Tabari

A Remark on the Sources

His Early Life (lanjutan)

 

[Ghadir Khumm: See Fada 'ill

[Hadith al-himyan: "The story of the Khurasanian whose belt was lost in Mecca"

  In the biography of Ibn al-Mahamili (368-415/978[9]1024), a Shafi'ite jurist and an early teacher of al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, this item is mentioned as a report (khabar) of Tabari [344. See TB, IV, 372 f.; Sezgin, GAS, 1,328, no. 10] It was, the Khatib says, the only bit of information he was ever able to elicit from Ibn al-Mahamili. Subki, Tabagat, IV, 49, merely quotes TB without adding anything to it. Sezgin, GAS, I, 328, no. to, refers to a manuscript of the treatise in Cairo. Through the good services of Dr. Elise Crosby, I am in the possession of a microfilm enlargement of the text (Ms. 1558 [hadithl, pp. 439-45, dating from the ninth/sixteenth century). It turns out not to be a work by Tabari, but it presents itself as a reminiscence from Tabari's younger years told by him to Abu Khazim al-Mu'alla b. Sa'id al-Baghdadi alBazzar, who died about 353/964 (see TB, XIII, 190 f.). It was in Egypt in 346/964 that al-Mu'alli reported that he had heard Tabari tell him the story in 300/912[3]. The gist of the story is as follows:

 Tabari was in Mecca in 240/855 (the pilgrimage in that year took place around the end of April). There he heard a Khurasanian advertise the loss of a belt containing one thousand dinars. As we learn later, these thousand dinars were one-third of the amount of money his father had left him with the admonition that he give them to the most worthy person he might encounter on the pilgrimage. An old man, whose name was Abu Ghiyath al-Ja'fari (being a client of Ja'far b. Muhammad, apparently the sixth imam of the Shi'ah, Ja'far al-Sadiq), approached the Khurasanian and suggested that a reward of ten percent be given to the finder if he came forward. When the Khurasanian refused, he came down in the following two days to, at first, one percent and, then, a single dinar. Tabari suspected that the old man himself was the finder of the belt. He followed him to his house the first time, but he stayed at home the next day, as he was occupied with copying the famous work on Qurashite genealogy (Kitab al-Nasab) by al-Zubayr b. Bakkar (d. 256/870). [344a.1 have no decisive information that Tabari studied personally with al Zubayr b . BakkAr. In History, he is mostly introduced as an indirect , possibly written, source . Haddathanv, in I, 1314 and 3072, may reflect a misuse of the term. On the other hand , Tabari may very well have met at-Zubayr in Baghdad or in Mecca where, however, he became judge only in 242 ( according to Sezgin , GAS, 1, 317).] Tabari had been right. The old man had the belt. His wife asked him to keep it, but he did not want to bring disgrace upon himself in his old age, no matter how grinding the poverty in which he lived together with his household consisting of his wife, his mother - in-law, two sisters , and four daughters. Thus, on the third day, when the Khurasanian again refused to offer a monetary reward, he took him to his house, with the two of them being followed by Tabari. The Khurasanian identified the belt and its contents as his and was about to leave with it when he remembered his father's deathbed admonition. He realized that the honest old man was, among all the people he had met on his journey, the one most deserving of the money. So he gave the money to him and left. Tabari also wanted to leave but was called back by the old man, who then distributed the money coin by coin to his family of nine, including Tabari as the tenth person to receive a share of a hundred dinars. Tabari lived on the money for a number of years and used it to defray all his study expenses . When he was in Mecca again after 256/870, he learned that the old man had died a few months after the episode with the belt. The four daughters and her husbands and offspring were still alive, but, as Tabari was told, they were all gone in 290/903.

  In the biography of al-Mu'alla, Dhahabi, Mizan, IV, 148, and Ibn Hajar, Lisdn, VI, 63 (both quoted in the margin of the Cairo manuscript), expressed themselves convinced that the story was invented by al-Mu 'alla but gave no proof except claiming that al-Mu'alla was an untrustworthy transmitter. They may have a point. The story is of the type of the "four Muhammads" (above,  29 f.) and even more unbelievable. The way in which Tabari came into the possession of his share seems fanciful and hardly reflects credit on him. There are pro-Shi'ah overtones, which may point to Hanbalite propaganda directed against him. On the other hand, it might just be possible that the two visits to Mecca, the one in 240 when Tabari was about sixteen, and the other after 256, during or after his stay in Egypt , have a basis in fact and supply us with an otherwise missing bit of biographical information. There is, of course , nothing unusual with a young student undertaking the pilgrimage , perhaps in the company of fellow students and teachers.

  According to the sources, the story came into circulation during the fourth / tenth century. Beyond  al -Mu'alla, the chain of transmitters, as indicated in the manuscript, is flawless: Tabari-al-Mu'alla-Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Ibrahim Ibn Shadhan al-Bazzar (298-383/910-93, see TB, IV, 18-20)-Ahmad b. 'Ali (Ibn) al-Bads (d. 420/1029, see TB, IV, 322; he taught the story in Rabi' II, 417/May-June 1026. AlBada, of uncertain origin, looks rather like al - Bare in the manuscript)-Abu Muhammad Rizgallah b. 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Tamimi al-wa'iz (d., eighty-eight years old, in 488/1095, see Dhahabi, 'Ibar, III, 320 f.)-Abu al-Fads Muhammad b. Nasir b . Muhammad (467-550/1074[5]- 1155, see Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography2, 524, n. 2; Eche, Les Bibliotheques arabes, 18o f . 1, who received permission to transmit the story from Rizqallah but also copied it from a manuscript by a certain Abu al-Hasan al-.. [ 344b. The manuscript has al -.. adhani, which I have so far been unable to identify. There was an Abu al-Masan al -Baradani who died in 469/1077 ( and was possibly born in 388/998, if 308 in the Muntazam is to be corrected to 388) . See Sam'ani, Ansab, 11, 144 , and In al-Jawzi, Muntazam, VIII, 311 . However, the correction of Baradhani to Baradani is not self - evident , and the first two consonants can be read in a large variety of ways ].b -Ibn al-Jawzi, the famous Hanbalite scholar and historian (510-97/II16[71-1201)—Abu al-Faraj 'Abd al-Latif b. 'Abd al-Mun'im al-Harrani (587-672/1191 -1273, see Ibn al -'Imad , Shadhardt, V, 336E-Sadr aldin Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Maydumi (664-754/1266-1353, see Ibn Hajar, Durar, IV, 157 f.^--Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Wasiti (745-836/1344151-1433, see Sakhawi, Daw', II,106 f.). Some of the individuals mentioned were very young when they received permission to transmit the story. This agrees with its edifying moral character which was thought particularly suitable for young children.]

  'Ibarat al-ru'ya "On dream interpretation"

  Irshad, VI, 452 f., ed. Rifa 'i, XVIII, 81, f., states that Tabari worked on "a book on dream interpretation containing traditions (on the subject) but died before he could produce it." It was another of those projects on which Tabari was still working at the time of his death. As indicated, it was a work on hadith.

  Ikhtilaf 'ulama ' al-amsar fi ahkam shara'i ' al-Islam "The disagreements of the scholars in the major centers with respect to the laws of the Muslim religion"

  This is the full title of the celebrated work, which is partly preserved (see below). It is often referred to in an abridged form, such as Ikhtilaf 'ulama' al-amsar  [345. See al - Farghani, Ijazah , in Irshad, VI, 427, 1. 2 , ed. Rifa 'i, XVIII, 45, 11. 4 f.; Ibn 'Asakir, LXXIX; Dhahabi, Nubala', XIV, 273, 1. 12; $afadi, Waff, II, 286, 1. 2. 346..], Ikhtilaf al-'ulama' [See 'Abbadi, Tabaqat, 52], or simply alIkhtilaf. The title Ikhtilaf al-fuqaha' is found, notably in Ibn alNadim but also elsewhere [347. See Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 235, t. 5; Irshad ( see below); Murtada al-Zabidi, Itsaf ( see below, n. 361).]. It is the title used in the printed editions of the preserved parts of the work. See also Kern, "Tabari's Ikhtilaf," 65.

  A report in Irshad (see below, 85) apparently is of Hanbalite inspiration. It speaks of the publication of the work after Tabari's death, if this is what the rather strange report really means. Probably, the reference to Ikhtilaf figured in it only by some sort of obfuscation. Ikhtilaf was also considered Tabari's first literary production. In view of the fact that Latif is cited in it and was considered by Tabari in the choice of its contents [348. See below, 116], this may also seem a strange statement. It is well possible, however, that parts of Ikhtilaf came out before the publication of any part of Latif and that quotations from Latif occurred only in later parts of Ikhtilaf or were subsequently added by Tabari in those earlier parts already published. No absolute publication dates are mentioned in the sources.

  As in the case of Latif, Tabari also wrote, or started on, an introductory risalah to Ikhtilaf dealing with the basic principles (see below, n. 356).

  Irshad, VI, 445, 1. 17-447, 1. 18, ed . Rifa'i, XVIII, 71, 1.4-73,1. 5, presents a full discussion of the history of the work:

  His work famed for excellence in East and West entitled Kitab Ikhtilaf 'ulama' al-amsar fi ahkam shara`i al-Islam. His intention was to mention in it the statements of the following jurists : (1) Malik b. Anas, the leading Medinese jurist, according to two recensions, (2) 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Amr al-Awza'i, the leading Syrian jurist, (3) the Kufan Sufyan al-Thawri, according to two recensions, (4) Muhammad b. Idris al-Shafi'l, according to the transmission of al-Rabi' b. Sulayman [349. Tabari studied with him in Egypt; see above, n. 100.] on al-Shafi'i's authority, the Kufans (5) Abu Hanifah al-Nu'man b. Thabit, (6) Abu Yusuf Yaqub b. Muhammad al-Ansari, and (7) Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. al-Hasan al -Shaybani, a mawla of the Shayban, and (8) Abu Nasr Ibrahim b. Khalid al-Kalbi [350. He must be Abu Thawr, although Abu Thawr's kunyah was doubtful and is sometimes said to have been Abu 'Abdallah, while Abu Thawr was a nickname; see Subki, Tabagat, II, 74; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 1, 118 . For Abu Thawr, see above, n. 272. The numbering has been added in the translation.].

  In his work, Tabari had originally included one of the Mu'tazilites (ahl-nazar), namely, 'Abd al-Rahman b. Kaysan, because at the time when (Tabari) was working on (Ikhtilaf), (Ibn Kaysan's) views were not used as the basis for a(n unacceptable) legal school [351. Possibly the famous Abu Bakr 'Abd al-Rahman b. Kaysin al-Asamm, who died long before Tabari was born, is meant . See Sezgin , GAS, I, 624 f.; Ritter, in his edition of Ash'ari, Maqalat, 617.]. After some time, however, (Ibn Kaysan's) colleagues and students expressed poorly informed legal views, and Tabari excluded him from his work.

  I heard Tabari respond to a question (about the history of Ikhtilaf) he was asked by Abu 'Abdallah Ahmad b. Isa alRazi [352. He is certainly not identical with the 'Alid mentioned above , n. 186, and remains unidentified . This is particularly regrettable , since knowing about him might have clarified who the speaker here was.]. He said that he had first undertaken to work on it in order to mention the views of those opposed to his (own views). The work then gained wider circulation, and he was asked by his colleagues and students (who were adherents of his school) to lecture on it.

  When Muhammad b. Dawud al-Isbahani [353. See above, 68 f.] published his book known under the title of al-Wusul ila ma'rifat al-usul, he mentioned in the chapter on general consensus (ijma') as the view of Tabari that ijma' meant the consensus of the afore-mentioned eight jurists to the exclusion of everybody else. He based himself on Tabari's statement: "They agreed (ajma'Ii), and thereby agreement was reached on the point being argued." (Tabari) then said in the introduction of the chapter on disagreement (khilaf): "Then they disagreed. Malik held one view, al-Awza'i another, and so-and-so still another." (Combining the two statements, Muhammad b. Dawud concluded) that those for whom Tabari reported consensus were identical with those for whom he reported disagreement [354. Ergo, the jurists considered in Ikhtilaf represented consensus in every sense.]. This is an error on the part of Ibn Dawud. Had he considered what Tabari had written in the Risalah of Latif and the Risalah of Ikhtilaf (and) in many of his works, namely, that ijma' is the uninterrupted transmission of traditions agreed upon by the Companions of the Messenger of God, and not something based on opinion or deduced by analogical reasoning, he would have realized that the view expressed by him (as to Tabari's understanding of ijma') was a grievous error and obvious mistake.

  Abu Ja'far thought highly of his Ikhtilaf, which was the first of his works (to be put in publishable form, $unnifa). He often said to me: "I have written two books that are indispensable for jurists , Ikhtilaf and Lafif."

  Ikhtilaf is about three thousand folios. In order not to repeat himself, he did not deal in it with his own preferences (as to what he considered the correct view in each case) [355. But see above, n. 216.], because he had done a good job in this respect in Latif.

  He had written for Ikhtilaf an introductory risdlah, which he later dropped [356. Or: "which he later stopped lecturing on," which is the same thing . It does

not mean : "which he separated ( from Ikhtilaf and treated as a separate work)."] In it, he discussed general consensus and traditions originating with single authorities of recognized probity (al-ahad al- udul), additions [357. This translation seems possible and has therefore been preferred to the text in ed . Rifai. Supplying the preposition 'inda, it yields the rather different sense: "discussing consensus and traditions . . ., he mentioned additions not in Latif ..."] not in Latif, as well as mardsil traditions [358. Amursal tradition is one with an isnad that does not lead back all the way to the Prophet] and abrogation (al-nasikh wa al-mansukh).

  Irshad, VI, 437, 11. 1-6, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 59, 11. z-8 , also reports the following dubious statement in connection with the Hanbalite affair discussed above, 73 ff.:

  Tabari secluded himself in his house and produced his well-known book containing his apology (i'tidhar) to the (Hanbalites). He mentioned his own legal views (madhhab) and dogmatic beliefs. He declared unreliable those who thought differently about him with respect to these matters.

  He lectured to them (qara'a 'ala) on the book. He extolled Ahmad b. Hanbal and mentioned his legal views (madhhab) and dogmatic beliefs as being correct. He continued to refer to him constantly until he died. His book on ikhtilaf was not made public by him before he died. It was buried in the ground and made public and copied (n-s-kh, by the Hanbalites) - I mean Ikhtilaf al-fuqaha'. I heard this from a number of people, including my father [359. Perhaps,'Abd al-'Aziz b. Harm(?), mentioned Irshad, VI, 435, ed. Rifi'i, XVIII, 56,1. 14, is meant as the son of Hirun b . 'Abd al-'Aziz mentioned in Irshad a few lines later . Abu 'Ali Harnn b. 'Abd al-'Aziz appears as a transmitter of information fromTabari in lbn 'Asakir, LXXXII,1. 17, and LXXXIV , 1. 16 (see below, 106.(. All this is more than uncertain . The suspicion remains that the narrator was perhaps an unidentified Hanbalite.].

  Ikhtilaf is listed in Brockelmann, GAL, I, 143, Suppl. I, 218, and Sezgin, GAS, I, 328. For the editions of Kern and Schacht, see below, Bibliography, under Ikhtilaf. The reprints of Kern's edition mentioned by C. Gilliot, in Studia Islamica, 63 (1986): 189-92, were not available. The title of the manuscript published by Schacht is Mukhtasar Ikhtilaf  'ulama' al-amsar (see p. IXJ; there may be at least some truth to the statement that it was indeed an abridgment (see also above, n. 216).

  In Tabsir, fol. 92b, Tabari refers to his Kitab Ahl al-baghy "On wrongdoers (rebels)." Since Tabsir is greatly concerned with differences of opinion and Ikhtilaf had a book on the subject (see ed. Schacht, X), it stands to reason that the reference is to Ikhtilaf and not to another of Tabari's legal writings.

  Irshad, VI, 435, 11. 12 f., ed . Rifa'i, XVIII, 57, 1. 5, refers to the Kitab al -Jana'iz "On funerals " of Ikhtilaf. A few possible crossreferences to non - preserved parts of Ikhtilaf are listed by Kern, "Tabari ' s Ikhtilaf," 65. In his edition , 1, 50, Kern includes a reference to Kitab al-Ayman wa-al- nudhur " On oaths and vows [360. Other similar references are believed by Kern to be derived from Latif (see below, t 16). He concluded , it seems , that this was so from the phrase " in our book, the book on . . .". In contrast, Tabari here does not have " in our book " but only "Kitab al -Ayman ...."]. He also reproduced ( 11, 123 -5) the text of two quotations found in Murtada al- Zabidi, Ithaf, dealing with Tabari's discussion of masturbation and anal intercourse in Ikhtilaf [361. See Murtada al -Zabidi, Ithaf, V, 306 and 375. He introduces the quotation as coming from Ikhtilaf al-fuqaha'].  Murtada al-Zabidi wrote this section of his large work in 1168 /1755. Thus, as late as the middle of the twelfth / eighteenth century , Tabari's Ikhtilaf was used, apparently directly. See further Muranyi, " Kitab alSiyar," 84 f.

  [(al-I'tidhar "Apology (to the Hanbalites )": See Ikhtilaf

  This is obviously not a formal title. It was not a work published by Tabari and may have existed only in Hanbalite wishful thinking.] Jami' al-bayan ' an ta 'wil ay al-Qur'an "The complete clarification of the interpretation of the verses of the Qur'an"

  This official title of Tabari's great Qur'an commentary (Tafsir) is mentioned in History: see below, text, I, 87, translation, n. 562. It never gained much popularity and was almost always replaced by the simple Tafsir [362. Irshad omits ay in one instance ( misprints). The work is quoted exceptionally as al - Bayan in Zarkashi , Burhan, I, 214]. The work is mentioned in all Tabari biographies, large and small, and usually praised very highly. During his lifetime, it probably was considered his outstanding scholarly achievement, even more so than his great works on law and hadith. It has retained its outstanding importance to this day. It says much for the general esteem accorded to the work that the Christian philosopher and theologian Yahya b. 'Ad!, who died in his eighties in 363/974, reportedly copied it twice for sale to provincial rulers [363. See ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 264, 11. 9 f.].

  The work took many years to complete. In 270/883(4) [364. It is tempting to think of a mistake for 290 , but this common error seems to be most unlikely in this case ; see below , n. 371.],  a substantial portion was made public by Tabari in the form of public lectures. Between 283/896 and 290/903, if not earlier, the entire work was ready for publication.

  Al-Farghani's ijdzah was written on a volume of Tafsfr. He referred to the work as "Kitab al-Ta fsir, entitled Jami' al-bayan 'an ta'wil ay al-Qur'an. "[ 365. See Irshad, VI, 426, 1. 16, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 44, 11. 15 f] Al-Farghani also provided the information to be found in Ibn 'Asakir, LXXIX: [366. Dhahabi, Nubala', XIV, 373, 11. 6-8, depends on Ibn 'Asakir. For a succinct survey of the numerous publications on the various topics of Qur'inic science, which existed in the fourth/tenth century, see Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist.]

  Among his completed works is his excellent Kitab Tafsir al-Qur'an. He explained in it the legal data derived from the Qur'an, its abrogating and abrogated verses, its difficult passages, and its rare words. (He also discussed) the disagreements between commentators and religious scholars with respect to the Qur'an's legal data and its interpretation together with an indication of what he considered the correct view in each case, its proper vocalization (i'rab hurufihi), the condemnation of heretics in it, the (biblical and other) stories, the reports on the nations (of the world), the Resurrection, and other wise statements and marvelous matters. He did that word by word, verse by verse, from the beginning where the formula "I take refuge in God" is used, to the letters of the alphabet [367. The formula a'adhu bi-Allah used before the recitation of the Qur'an is discussed in Tafsir, I, 37 f. For the letters of "abd jad, " see below, n. 379.]. If a scholar claimed that he could write ten books based on it, of which each would deal with a special remarkable subject that is exhaustively presented, he could do it.

  Al-Farghani, at least in part through Harun b. 'Abd al-'Aziz [368. See above, n. 359.], also told the following anecdotes, as reported in Ibn 'Asakir, LXXXII, 11. 17-9, and 1. 19-LXXXIII, 1. 2:

  For three years before I went to work on the Kitdb al-Tafsir, I asked God for permission to produce the work and for His help in doing what I had in mind, and He did help me. Al-Farghani (through Harun b. 'Abd al-'Aziz ?) said: A chaste neighbor [369. This is the hardly credible meaning of the text . Irshad, VI, 439,11-17 f., ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 63,1. 2, has "a shaykh from the Bridge of Ibn'Afif" (_ "chaste" (. To my knowledge, no such bridge occurs in the topographical works , but it it likely to be the correct reading . In 'Asakir may have miscopied the same source, or the corruption may have occurred in the textual tradition of his work. Though missing in Irshad, "neighbor" may be original, thus placing the man in al-Mukharrim or nearby in East Baghdad.] of Abu Ja'far told me: I had a dream in which I saw myself in the classroom (majlis) of Abu Ja'far al-Tabari when his Tafsir was studied with him. I heard a voice coming from in between heaven and earth say: He whowants to study the Qur' an as it was revealed should study this work.

  Irshad, VI, 439, 1. 3- 441, 1. 17, ed. Rifa'i, XVIII, 61, 1. 17-65, 1. 13, is an obvious composite of sources , but most of the factual information appears to come from 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Muhammad al-Tabari's monograph , through Ibn Kamil:

  His book entitled fami' al-bayan 'an ta'wil al-Qur'an [370. See above, n. 362.]. Abu Bakr b. Kamil says: He dictated (amla) to us one hundred and ninety verses of the Kitab al-Tafsir. Thereafter, he continued to the end of the Qur'an and read (the entire work?) to us. This was in 270/883(4) [371. While the preceding sentence seems to speak of the entire work , the date appears to be intended for those lectures on the first surah and part of the second surah.] The work (soon) became very famous. Abu al-'Abbas Ahmad b. Yahya Tha'lab  and Abu al-'Abbas Muhammad b. Yazid al-Mubarrad, the great authorities on grammar and semantics (i'rab and ma'ani), were still alive at the time, as were other expert Arab grammarians such as Abu Ja' far al-Rustami , Abu Hasan b. Kaysan, al-Mufaddal b. Salamah, al-Ja'd, and Abu Irhaq alZajjaj [372. All the authors named in this and the following paragraphs of the quotation are so well-known that it would be superfluous to comment on them. For chronological purposes, it is interesting to notice that Tha'lab died in 291/904 (above, n. 178), and al-Mubarrad in 285-6/898-9. For Abu Ja'far Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Rustam (d. about 310/922), see Sezgin, GAS, IX, 16o f.; for Abu (al-)Hawn Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Kaysan (d. about 299/911 or later?), see Brockelmann, GAL, Suppl. 1, 170, Sezgin, GAS, IX, i58-6o; for al-Mufaddal b. Salamah (d. about 290/903), see GAL, Suppl. I,191, GAS, IX, 139 f.; for Muhammad b. 'Uthmin al-Ja'd (d. About 320/932), see GAS, IX, 163: and forAbu Ishaq Ibrahim b. al-Sari al-Zajjaj (d. 310/922 or later ), see GAL, Supp . 1, 170; GAS, IX, 81 f.] The Tafsir achieved wide distribution in East and West. All contemporary scholars read it, and all considered it truly excellent.

  Abu Ja'far said: I felt the inner urge to write the work when I was still a child.

  'Abd al-'Aziz b. Muhammad al-Tabari quoted Abu 'Umar al-Zahid [373. See above, n. 179.] as saying: For a long time, I made my living collating books with people. (Once) I asked Abu Ja'far about the interpretation of a verse. He said: Collate (qabil) this work (Tafsir) from beginning to end! (I did) and could not find a single wrong reading (harf) with respect to grammar and lexicography. Abu Ja'far said: (This and the next paragraph have been translated above from Ibn 'Asakir.)

  Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Mujihid said: I heard Abu Ja'far say: I wonder how anyone who reads the Qur'an and does not know its interpretation can enjoy reading it [374. A rather similar remark is ascribed to Sa'id b. Jubayr in Tafsir, I, 28,11.12 f.: "He who reads the Qur ' an and then does not interpret it is like a blind man or a Bedouin." "Muhammad s.a.w " is a mistake for Ahmad].

  He started the Kitab al-Tafsir with an invocation (khutbah). The introductory essay (risalah) of Tafsir proves the eloquence, inimitability (i'jaz), and clarity of expression (fasahah), not matched anywhere else, with which God has distinguished the Qur'an. Among introductory topics (muqaddamatin), he discussed commenting on (tafsir) and ways of interpreting (wujuh al-ta'wil) the Qur'an, the interpretation (ta'wil) of what is known [375. Or "can be known, is knowable" by human beings, and not only by God.] and what has been indicated as permitted to comment on (tafsir) as well as what is forbidden (see Tafsir, I, 25-27, 31 f.). He discussed the Prophet's statement that "the Qur'an was revealed in seven letters" (see Tafsir, I, 9-25) [376. See Concordance, I, 448b, and Gilliot, "Les sept lectures."], further, in which tongues the Qur'an was revealed, and he refuted those who said that it contains non-Arabic words (see Tafsir, I, 6 ff.) [377. See, however, above, 45 f]. He mentioned the interpretation of the names of the Qur'an and the surahs (see Tafsir, I, 32-35), and other such introductory matters. He had this followed by the interpretation of the Qur'an letter by letter. He mentioned the statements of the Companions, the Followers, and those who followed the Followers, the discussions of the Kufan and Basran grammarians (ahl al-i'rab), and a number (jumal) of Qur'an readings and the variant readings of (the schools of) Qur'an reading concerning root forms (masadir), lexicography/dialectology (lughat), plurals, and duals. He discussed the abrogating and abrogated verses of the Qur'an, its legal data, and differences in this respect. He mentioned some of the statements of the speculative theologians (ahl a1-nazar) [378. See, for instance, Appendix A, below , 149-51] as made by some innovators, and he refuted them according to the views (madhahib) of the affirmers (ahl al-ithbat, the "orthodox") and as required by the traditions (sunan), all the way to the end of the Qur'an. He had this followed by the interpretation of the alphabet and its letters, the different opinions of people concerning them, and how he himself preferred to interpret them [379. The discussion of phonetics and orthography is not included in the introduction of Tafsir. As indicated here, it supposedly appeared at the end of the entire work. The text as published does not contain it.] Nobody could add anything to it, nor would he find the subject treated as completely by anybody else.

  He used in it the (earlier) commentaries by Ibn 'Abbas in five recensions, Sa'id b. Jubayr in two recensions, Mujahid b. Jabr in three, and often more, recensions, Qatidah b. Di'amah in three recensions, al-Hasan al-Basri in three recensions, 'Ikrimah in three recensions, al-Dahhik b. Muzahim in two recensions, and 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud in one recension. He further used the commentaries of 'Abd al-Rahman b. Zayd b. Aslam, Ibn Jurayj, and Mugitil b. Hayyan. Moreover, (Tafsir) contains well known traditions on the authority of the Qur'an commentators and others. It includes all that is needed of traditions transmitted with an uninterrupted chain of transmitters mainly from the Prophet (musnad al-hadith).

  He paid no attention to unreliable (commentators). Thus, the work contains no (traditions) from the works of Muhammad b. al-Sa'ib al-Kalbi, Mugitil b. Hayyan, or Muhammad b. 'Umar al-Wagidi, because he considered them suspect (as Qur'an and badith scholars). But when he referred to history, biography, or Arab stories, he did include reports from Muhammad b. SA'ib al-Kalbi, his son Hishim, Muhammad b. 'Umar al-Wagidi, and others, whatever was needed and could be found only in their works [380. The sharp distinction made by Tabari between historians and specialists in other fields is noteworthy.].

   In Tafsir, he mentioned numerous discussions and suggested meanings (ma`ani) from the books of 'Ali b. Hamzah al-Kisa'i, Yahya b. Ziyid al-Farri', Abu al-Hasan al-Akhfash, Abu 'Ali Qutrub, and others, whenever needed as required by the discussion. These (famous grammarians and lexicographers) were the ones who discussed the meanings and provided ( explanations for Qur' anic ) meanings and grammar (ma'ani al-i rab). When he quoted from them, he often did not mention them by name.

  This work comprises ten thousand folios, or fewer, depending on the size of the script. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Muhammad al-Tabari said: I have seen a manuscript in Baghdad which comprised four thousand folios.

  The task of commenting on Tafsir and condensing it started early. A Mu'tazilite of Turkish origin, Abu Bakr Ahmad b. 'Ali b. Bayghjur, known as Ibn al-Ikhshed, who lived in Suq a1-'Atash and died in 326/938, wrote an abridgment [381. See Ibn al-Nadim , Fihrist, 173 (also 34, 1. 14, and 235, 1. 3); TB, IV, 309. M-'-j-w-r, as his ancestor' s name is spelled in Fihrist, is an implausible form. The reading B-y-gh-j-w-r of TB is more likely as a Turkish- Persian name. See, for instance , Bakjur ( Eclipse, index , s. v. Bekjur).]. A commentary written by Abu Bakr b. Abi Dawud al-Sijistani in competition with Tabari was judged by history to have been a failure [382. See above, n. 229.]. Among Abu Bakr's authorities, we find Ibn Bashshar and Ibn al-Muthanna who figure so prominently in Tabari's works.

 See Brockelmann , GAL, I, 143, Suppl ., I, 218, and Sezgin, GAS, 1, 327, for literature and editions . Tafsir became known in Europe only about the time that the publication of History started [383. See Loth, "Tabari' s Korancommentar."] It was first printed in Cairo 1321 /1903 and 1323/ 1905, reprinted in Beirut, 1400/ 1980 . The edition Cairo 1323 is considered the better of the two [384. See Noldeke-Schwally- Bergstrasser- Pretzl, III, 240.] . Modern printings , such as one edited by Mahmud M. Shakir and A. M. Shakir ( Cairo, 1961 J, regrettably fail to indicate the paginations of the earlier editions.

  An abridged French translation by Pierre Gode has been appearing in Paris since 1983 . An English translation by J. Cooper has been announced for 1986 . The first volumes of Gode ' s work have been seen by me.

(AI-Jami' fial- qira'at "The complete collection of variant readings in the Qur ' an": See Fasl )

(AI-Jana'iz "On funerals ": See Ikhtilaf )

(Al-Jirah "On wounds": See Latif]

Al-Khafif fi ahkam shara'i' al-Islam "The light work on the laws of the Muslim religion"

  This full title of what was a condensed version of Latif appears in Ibn 'Asakir, LXXX, 11. 2 f. [385. Reproduced by Dhahabi, Nubaln', XIV, 273,1.13], and Irshad; see below. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 235, 1. 4, has al-Khafif fi al-fiqh, followed somewhat incongruously by the word latif. Ibn 'Asakir similarly states that the work, which was completed by Tabari, was "a slim abridgment (mukhtasar latif)." A law book of four hundred folios could indeed be called "slender," [386. On the double meaning of latif, see below , 113 and 115.] but it is tempting to assume with Goldziher, "Die literarische Thatigkeit, " 364, n. ii, that in the Fihrist as well as lbn 'Asakir, the intended meaning was "an abridgment of Lafif." Subki, Tabagat, III, 121, 11. io f., describes the work merely as "a short work (mukhtasar) on jurisprudence." The reference to Latif in Qifti, Inbah, III, go, is followed by one to another work described as "a treatise (maqalah) on jurisprudence used by scholars (in their legal work)." Khafif is presumably meant here.

  The composition of  Khafif must be dated between 291/904 when al-'Abbas b. al-Hasan was appointed wazir , and 296/908 when he lost his life. One might assume that al-'Abbas may not yet have been wazir (and al-Muktafi not yet caliph) at the time Tabari wrote Khafif; this, however, seems unlikely. It should be noted that the nisbah al-'Azzzi indicated in Irshad is not attested elsewhere for the wazir, nor is any other nisbah, as far as I know. On the other hand, the kunyah Abu Ahmad seems confirmed by the existence of a son of his named Ahmad [387. See 'Arib, 63].

  Following al-Farghani, Ibn 'Asikir, LXXXVI,1. i 8-LXXVII,1. 2, combines the anecdote of Tabari' s refusal of al-Muktafi ' s gift (see above, 37 f.), in which the wazir al-'Abbas b. al-Hasan played a role, with a similar anecdote involving the reason for the composition of Khafif:

  Al-'Abbas b. al-Hasan [388. In Dhahabi's very abridged quotation (Nubald', XIV, 270,11-14 f.), al-wazir replaces the proper name. In the similar anecdote, above, 39, the wazir is alKhaqani] sent a message to Tabari telling him that he wished to study jurisprudence, and asked him to produce a short work (mukhtasar) according to his legal school for him. Tabari wrote for him the Kitab al-Khafif and dispatched it to him. When al-'Abbas sent him a thousand dinars, he did not accept the money but returned it to him. He was told to use it for charity. He did not want to do that. He said: You (using the plural addressing al-'Abbas) know better how to use your money and to whom to give charity.

  The fullest information is found in Irshad, VI, 448,11.8-12, ed. Rifai, XVIII, 74, 11. 11-18:

  One of his excellent works is the book entitled Kitab al-Khafif fi ahkam shara'i' al-Islam, an abridgment of the Kitab al-Latif. Abu Ahmad al-'Abbas b. al-Hasan al -'Azizi wanted to look into some legal matters and corresponded with Tabari concerning an abridgment of one of his works. Tabari produced this book in order to facilitate the under standing of the subject. It is about four hundred folios. It is a book that makes the subject easy for the person who studies it. It contains ( the discussion of) many problems which both scholars and beginning students would do well to memorize.

  According to Ibn al - Nadim, Fihrist, 235, 1. 4, al-Mu'ifa wrote a commentary on Khafif.

  Al-Latif fi ahkam shara'i' al-Islam "

  The slim [389. The source of Irsh id ( below, i is) claims that Tabari himself did not intend latif in its physical meaning but in its metaphorical meaning of "subtle." However, Tabari, in fact , meant to imply that in comparison to the enormous mass of data to be discussed , Latif was, in spite of its considerable size , a slim and concise work . The flattering interpretation was no doubt owing to a student and admirer..] work on the laws of the Muslim religion " or, more commonly, Lati f al-qawl.... "The slim discussion of ...". The second form of the title appears Ikhtilaf , ed. Kern (II, 29, 79, 83, 90 f.) with the substitution of the synonymous al-din for al-Islam . The first form is found in the introduction of Tafsir (I, 37, 11. 13 ff.):

  We have explained briefly what we considered the correct statement here in our book al-Latif fi ahkam shara'i' alIslam . God willing, we shall give an exhaustive explanation and report the statements of the Companions , the Followers, and ancient and recent scholars in our great work on the laws of the Muslim religion ( kitabund al-akbar fi ahkam shara'i' al-Islam). [390. See also above , under Ahkam shara ' i' al-Islam]

  In Tafsir, the work is constantly cited under slightly different titles, such as La1if al-qawl fi shard 'i' al-Islam (XVIII , 68, 1. 12), or ...ahkam shara 'i' al-din (VIII, 16, 1. 7) as in Ikhtilaf, or Lafif alqawl fi ahkam al- shara ' i' (VIII, 28 , 1. 31), or simply al -Lafif (II, 252, 1. 17 , 289, 1. 11 ). [391. Tafsir, VI, 44,1. 16, has a dubious al- Lalif (1) al-pawl fi al - atlkam (misprint?). Subki, Tabaqat, III, 121, 1. Io, lists Latif as "Kitab Alakam shara ' i' al-Islam, composed in accordance with the results of his independent judgment ." The form of the title possibly results from a confusion with the larger planned work] But the work is also referred to by the title or contents of its individual " books," with no reference to the overall designation.

  The title al-Latif min al-bayan 'an ahkam shara'i  al-Islam (Tafsir, II, 264, 11. 11 f.) includes al-bayan, which properly belongs to the title of the introductory risalah on legal principles ( see II , 269, 1. 10, where, in the same context, u$ul is included). The risalah was no doubt at times published separately and then carried the title of al-Baydn ' an u$ul al -ahkam (I, 404, 1. 4, II, 31, 11.1f.,V,7,1.16,VI,159, 1. 19, XV, 59, 1. 21, XVIII, 99, 1. 15). Here the operative word is u$ul "principles." It is also combined with latif to yield such hybrids as Latif al-qawl min al-bayan 'an usul al-ahkam (I, 276, 1. 24, II, 269, 1. 10, also Tahdhib, Musnad Ibn 'Abbas, 770, where fi replaces min), or Latif al-bayan'an usul al-ahkam (III, 12,1. 14, VII, 200, 11. 15 f., X, 29,1. 27), or even alLatif 'an u$ul alikam (VIII, 79, 1. i1). The short title al-Latif min al-bayan (II, 222, 1. 15) clearly refers to the risalah.

  The work is widely listed in Tabari biographies. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, has two references. On p. 234, 1. 24, we read: "Kitab alLatif on jurisprudence. It comprises...," while 11. 20 f., states:

 

  Kitab al-Latif on jurisprudence. It comprises a number of books on the order of juridical works ft al-mabsut [392. In the context , this hardly refers to a specific work entitled a1-Mabsut (such as the one by the Hanaflte al - Shaybini) . It is probably to be understood as a work on laws well-organized and easily understandable , such as was the case with works given Mabsut as a title]. The number of books of  Latif is....

  The missing number is supplied by Ibn 'Asakir, LXXIX f., from al-Farghani:

  Also complete is Latif al-qawl fi ahkam shara'i' al-Islam. It represents his legal school with his own preferred views well presented [393 Read jawwadahd , as is found in $afadi, Wafi, 11, 285 f., and Dhahabi, Nubald', XIV, 273, 11. io f., who both depend on Ibn'Asakir.] and argued. It consists of eighty-three books, including Kitab al-Bayan 'an usul al-Islam, which is the (general introductory) essay (risalah) of Latif.

  Al-Farghani's ijdzah, as quoted in Irshad, VI, 429, 11. 19 f., ed. Rif a`i, XVIII, 43, 11. 1 f., has Kitab Latif al-gawi wa-khafifihi fi shara'i' al-Islam. This may possibly refer to Latif and its condensation Khafif. A translation "A slender and light discussion of Muslim laws" makes little sense, even if Irshad in the passage to be quoted associates the two descriptive terms with the work.

CONTINUED