The Fourth Reich Part 2
During his time in Berne Dulles met with
Prince Max von Hohenlohe Langenburg, acting as first emissary of Himmler
and Walter Schellenberg, and who had organized the Strasbourg conference, as
well as Reinhard Spitzy, the SS offi cer attached to the Foreign Ministry, and Himmler’s personal attorney Carl
Langbehn. 53 Allen Dulles had also been in contact with Francois Genoud since 1943. Genoud first joined the Swiss pro- Nazi National Front
in 1934. Genoud is notable for being the executor of the last will and
testament of Nazi propagandist Joseph
Goebbels, and for reportedly making a fortune from publishing Goebbels’ diaries for which he held the
posthumous rights along with Hitler’s
and Bormann’s works. Nazi hunters such as Serge Klarsfeld and Simon
Wiesenthal, journalist David Lee Preston and others have asserted that Genoud was
no less than the principal financial manager of the hidden Swiss assets of the Third Reich after World War II.54 According to Klarsfeld, it
was the banking contacts of Francois
Genoud that set in motion the
ODESSA networks, which transferred millions of marks from Germany into
Swiss banks. 55 When Allen Dulles was OSS Station Chief in Berne, he helped Genoud
transfer Hitler and Goebbels trusts into those bank accounts.56
In A Study of a Master Spy, published in London in 1961, Bob Edwards, a member
of Parliament, and Kenneth Dunne, presented evidence that Allen Dulles carried on secret conferences
with representatives of Hitler’s SS Security Office in February and March 1943. They learned that
“Official Washington knew that Martin
Bormann, Deputy Fuhrer of Hitler’s
Germany, master-minded the international
Die Spinne(Spider) underground organization which is planning to revive Nazism as soon as West Germany is adequately
rearmed by the United States. Official Washington seems disinterested.” 57
Allen Dulles hired the services of Reinhard Gehlen, the most senior eastern front military
intelligence officer who, just before
the end of World War II, had turned himself over to the US.58 In exchange for his extensive intelligence contacts in the USSR, Dulles and
the OSS reunited Gehlen
with
his Nazi associates to establish
“the Gehlen Organization,” which then functioned
within the OSS, and later the CIA.
Gehlen handpicked 350 former German intelligence agents to join him, a
number that eventually grew to 4,000 undercover
agents. The Order of the Knights of Malta
gave Gehlen its highest award of honor,
the Gran Croci Al Merito Conplacca, in l948. Though Gehlen was not a Catholic, he was awarded the
honor because of his efforts in the “crusade against godless communism.” 59
To build Egypt ’s spy and security forces, Gehlen hired his friend Otto Skorzeny, who was
described by the OSS, as “the most
dangerous man in Europe.” 60 King Farouk brought large numbers of German
military and intelligence personnel as well as ranking ex- Nazis into Egypt as advisors.
A steady stream of Third Reich veterans
poured into the country, and Cairo became a safe haven for several
thousand Nazi fugitives including
former SS Captain Alois Brunner, Adolf Eichmann’s chief deputy. Convicted in
absentia for war crimes, Brunner would
later reside in Damascus, where he served as a security advisor for the Syrian
government.
The enduring relationship between the Nazis and the Muslim Brotherhood would account for the
anti-Semitic strain that is common in Islamic extremism. As Tom Knowlton noted,
in an article titled “ Nazi Roots of Modern Radical Islam,” “If one examines
the history of the Middle East, there is
very little evidence of constant warring and animosity between Jews and Arabs.” “However,” adds Knowlton
“after over 700 years of peaceful coexistence, the true start of the Arab-Israeli conflict can be dated to
1920 and the rise of one man, Haj Amin
Mohammed al Husseini, the grand mufti
of Jerusalem.” 61
Al Husseini, a friend to Francois Genoud, was the go-between for the Nazis and
al Banna. 62 Despite his involvement and conviction for an attack
on Jews at the Western Wall, al Husseini was pardoned by the local British
High Commissioner Herbert Samuel, and made the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem in 1921. Beginning in 1933, al Husseini regularly met with local Nazi representatives and openly expressed
admiration for Hitler’s ideas. Between
1936 and 1939, Adolf Eichmann oversaw
funding from the SS to al Husseini and his associates to aid their
efforts in encouraging a revolt in the region against the British.
In the late 1930s, al Husseini openly called for direct aide
from Germany to Arab forces, and
had to flee
to Syria. In April 1941, he assisted the
proNazi revolt in Iraq and attempts by the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, or
the Syrian Nazi Party, to support the
revolt after the British moved to suppress it. Those involved included Saddam’s
uncle Khairallah Tulfah, and the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, who formed
the Bath Parties of Syria and Iraq.
Thus, the mufti was to flee to Germany where
he served as a valuable intelligence asset throughout most of the war. He met
with Hitler on several occasions, and personally
recruited leading members of the Bosnian-Muslim “Hanjar” division of the
Waffen SS. One member was Alija Izetbegovic,
who later headed Bosnia’s move for independence. Al Husseini came to be known
as the “Fuhrer’s Mufti” and the “Arab Fuhrer.” In March 1944, al Husseini broadcast a call for a Jihad to “kill
the Jews wherever you find them. This pleases God, history, and religion.” 63 After
the defeat of Nazi Germany, al Husseini
fled back to Egypt .
In the summer of 1942, when German General
Erwin Rommel’s Afrika korps were poised
to march into Cairo, Anwar Sadat,
Gamal Nasser and their cronies were in
touch with the attacking German force and, with help from the Muslim Brotherhood , were preparing an
anti-British uprising in Egypt ’s
capital. Both Nasser and Sadat belonged to the overtly fascist “ Young
Egypt” (Misr al-Fatah) movement that collaborated with the Muslim Brotherhood. It was founded originally
by Jamal
Afghani in 1889, and modeled like the
Young Turks on the similar organizations created by Mazzini. It was mainly composed of Turks who
had fled to Egypt because of
their opposition to Sultan Abdul Hamid. 64 Nevertheless, Young Egypt came to be modeled directly on Hitler’s party, complete with
paramilitary Green Shirts aping the Nazi Brown Shirts, Nazi salute and literal translations of Nazi slogans.65 A treaty with Germany had been drafted by Sadat, which included provisions for German
recognition of an independent, but pro-Axis Egypt, and guarantying that “no
British soldier would leave Cairo alive.” When Rommel’s push failed in the fall
of 1942, Sadat and several of his co-conspirators
were arrested by the British, and sat out much of the remainder of the war in
jail.
After the war, Skorzeny surrendered himself to the Allied
forces, and though he was acquitted during the
Nuremberg trials, Czechoslovakia began pressing for his extradition to
stand trail for war crimes. The newly formed CIA, the successor organization to
the OSS, created in 1947, therefore
arranged for Skorzeny’s escape from the
internment camp at Darmstadt in 1948. 66 Skorzeny then traveled between Spain and
Argentina to retrieve Bormann’s hoard which had been cleverly
expropriated by Evita Peron. Beginning in the 1930s, there were
waves of German immigration coming to South America, particularly Argentina.
At first, these
represented German Jews fleeing
the newly established Nazi regime.
Then, Nazi diplomats began replacing
their Weimar predecessors in various embassies, and forming relationships with local Nazi parties in these countries.
The most blatantly pro- Nazi and pro-Fascist
government in South America was that of Evita’s husband, Juan
Peron. A critical link in the
Nazi ratline, recent revelations have shown, that more than one thousand
such war criminals managed to find
safe haven in Peron’s
Argentina.67 Peron became impressed with fascism when he served as a
military attaché to Mussolini in Italy. By 1943, the US began suspecting Argentina of aiding the Nazis despite their claim of neutrality, as Peron was helping them establish a spying
network in the country.
Once in
Argentina, Skorzeny became a close confidante of Peron. With ties to Egypt , Germany, Italy, Switzerland, and the Vatican,
Skorzeny’s ratlines operated out of
Argentina, and helped
many other war
criminals find refuge in Latin America and the Middle East.68 Those who reached safety
included Borman; the most notorious Nazi
war criminals, including: Klaus Barbie, known
as the “Butcher of Lyons”; Franz Stangl, Commandant of the Treblinka extermination
camp; Gustav Wagner, Commandant of Sorbibor
extermination camp; and Alois Brunner, an official in the Jewish deportation
program. Most famous was Adolf Eichmann,
the chief architect of the Holocaust. An
entire Waffen SS division, the notorious
“Galician Division,” consisting of 8000 men were smuggled to England and given
“free settler” status.
Having gained Peron’s trust, Bormann began to arrange for the transfer of Nazi assets to Argentina. However, Evita convinced Bormann’s agents to deposit the funds in her
name. At the time, Skorzeny was still in
an internment camp, and heard about her scheme, but noted that it had come to
his attention that “the only way she could be softened up was to get into bed
with her when she was lonely.” Known for his skills as a ladies’ man, Skorzeny recognized, “I was the ideal man for
to soften her up.” But while he was gaining
Peron’s confidence, Skorzeny cleverly played hard-to-get with Evita, deliberately ignoring her, which chafed against her enormous ego. As one of
his friends remarked, “ Skorzeny was very, very smart.” 69 Learning of a plot
against her life, Skorzeny arranged a feigned
thwarting of the scheme, thus becoming in her eyes the hero who saved her life.
After being appropriately “softened”
Evita began transferring the Nazi
assets into his name. According to Infield however, their relationship was not only
sexual. Skorzeny also taught her how to
keep dissidents in the labor union in line, one of her particular
responsibilities, and he taught the secret police the infamous Nazi torture techniques. But when Evita died in 1952, Juan lost the considerable
support that her reputation wielded. In 1955, with his government nearing a
state of collapse, Peron escaped to safety
in Spain, with the aid of Skorzeny,
former SS members and the Nazi-trained secret police. The reward for Skorzeny’s assistance was the remainder of
the Bormann funds.
In
Spain, Skorzeny lived under the
protection of Franco, whose victory in
the Spanish Civil War was guaranteed by economic and military support from Hitler and
Mussolini. When Franco became
absolute ruler of Spain in 1939, he
repaid his debt by allowing the Nazis to
transform the country into a stronghold for German espionage. Skorzeny,
Gehlen, and their network of collaborators gained enormous influence in
Europe and Latin America. In his own words
Skorzeny said, “You would be astonished to know all the names of kings, presidents of
states, dictators, and field
marshals I have known.” 70
United Europe Part 1
Close collaboration between the Nazis and the
synarchists in France during World War II resulted in a police report in Vichy
France in 1941, that exposed a plot to take over the government, noting a close
relationship between the synarchist movement and the Martinist orders. The Synarchist Empire Movement
(MSE) of Postel du Mas and Canudo was responsible for the creation of
right-wing terrorist gangs such as the CSAR (Secret Committee for Revolutionary Action). CSAR was also
known as La Cagoule (The Cowl), a press nickname coined by the Action Française.
According to Richard Kuisel, a specialist in twentieth-century French political
history: “Strangely enough, although the Cagoule was an archenemy of Freemasonry,
it imitated Masonic ritual, symbolism, and method of recruitment. The head of
the Cagoule, Eugène Deloncle, even likened its recruiting procedures to the
‘chain method’ of the Illuminati.” 1 In Nice, in the presence of the Grand
Master adorned in red and accompanied by his assesseurs dressed in black, new
members of the Cagoulards were submitted to an initiation ritual in which their
faces were covered, and standing before a table draped
with a French flag on which a sword and torches would be deposited, they raised
their right arm and swore the oath Ad majorem Galliæ gloriam(“for the greater
glory of France”), echoing the Jesuit motto Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam(for the
greater glory of God). 2
The Cagoule was a violent fascist, anti-Semitic,
and anti-communist group designed to attempt the overthrow of the French Third
Republic, and was bankrolled by L’Oreal founder Eugène Schueller. The Chicago
Tribune’s correspondent in Paris, William Shirer, summed up the Cagoule as “deliberately
terrorist, resorting to murder and dynamiting, and its aim was to overthrow the
Republic and set up an authoritarian régime on the model of the Fascist state
of Mussolini.”3
Essentially, the Cagoule were planning to precipitate
a state of emergency that would enable their chosen leader to usurp order “in
the interests of public safety.” The Cagoule’s chosen leader was Philippe
Pétain, a General who was viewed as a national hero in France because of his
outstanding military leadership in World War I, and who became chief of the
Vichy State, the collaborative government created following the Nazi occupation
of France in 1940. A number of important members of the Vichy Regime were
synarchists.
Also closely associated was Admiral François Darlan,
a major figure of
the Vichy regime in France during World War II, becoming its deputy leader for a
time. This has led to the belief that
synarchists had engineered the military defeat of France
for the profit of Banque Worms. 5 According to former OSS officer William Langer, as reported in
Our Vichy Gamble:
Darlan’s henchmen were
not confined to
the fleet. His policy of collaboration with Germany could count on
more than enough eager supporters among French industrial and banking
interests—in short, among those who even before the war, had turned to Nazi Germany and had looked to Hitler as the savior of Europe from
communism… These people were as good fascists as any in Europe. Many of them
had extensive and intimate business relations with German interests and were
still dreaming of a new system of ‘Synarchy’, which meant government of Europe
on fascist principles by an international brotherhood of financiers and industrialists. 6
The concept of the seizure of power by a
powerful determined leader through the pretext of a state of emergency is a
philosophy derived from Carl Schmitt
(1888 – 1985), described as the “Crown Jurist of the Third Reich.” 7 Throughout his career,
Schmitt was under the protection of Hermann
Göring, Hitler’s Reichsmarschall during the war and the leading synarchist figure in Nazi Germany.8 An avowed
proponent of Machiavelli and de Maistre, Schmitt supported the emergence
of totalitarian power structures in his paper “The Crisis of Parliamentary
Democracy.” A member of the Nazi Party,
Schmitt was party to the burning of books by Jewish authors, and calling for a
much more extensive purge, to
include works by authors influenced by Jewish
ideas.9 In 1933, he was appointed State Councilor by Hermann Göring and became the president of the Union
of National-Socialist Jurists. As professor at the University of Berlin, he
presented his theories as an ideological foundation of the
Nazi dictatorship, and a justification of the “Führer” state with regard to
legal philosophy. In 1934, he justified the political
murders of the Night of the Long Knives, a purge by the Nazi regime that carried out murders of
several left-wing and anti- Nazi leaders, as the “highest form of
administrative justice” and the authority of
Hitler in a work titled “The leader defends the law.”10
Schmitt also developed the doctrine of a
necessary enemy. Schmitt’s pessimism draws from the political “realism” of Hobbes’ Bellum omnium contra omnesor “The war
of all against all.” Schmitt proposed that there is a domain of life distinct
from all the others, which he called the “political.” According to Schmitt,
each area of human existence has its own particular form of dualism: in morality there is good and evil, in
economics profits and liabilities, in aesthetics beauty and ugliness and so on.
The “political,” for Schmitt, was based on the distinction between “friend” and
“enemy.” The political exists wherever
there exists an enemy, a group which is different and holds different interests, and with whom there is a possibility of
conflict. A population can be
unified and mobilized through the
political act, in which an enemy is identified and confronted. 11 Leo Strauss, the “godfather” of the modern
neoconservative movement, and a friend to Schmitt, wrote to him in 1932
summarizing the implications of his political theology as follows:
[B]ecause man is by nature evil, he therefore
needs dominion. But dominion can be established, that is, men can be unified
only in a unity against—against other men.
Every association of men is necessarily a separation from other men… the political
thus understood is not the constitutive principle of the state, of order, but a
condition of the state. 12
Schmitt
is often considered one of the most important critics of liberalism, parliamentary democracy, and liberal cosmopolitanism. To
Schmitt, the parliamentary system exemplified the
failure of liberalism by weakening the state
through the introduction of individualism and self-interest. Additionally, the
indecisive nature of the system threatened both the state’s moral basis and its
security from enemies. Schmitt preferred a “sovereign dictator” who would be
able to take decisive action to meet the threats of the state. These theories of
authority were a development of those of Max
Weber. To Weber, legitimate authority
depends on adherence to formal rules within a command structure.
Whereas “charisma” and “tradition” are
important factors, legitimate authority
depends on
the acceptance of procedural regulations within a hierarchical
organization.
For Schmitt, a leader is sovereign who has legitimacy of
command.
More precisely, sovereignty exists with whoever decides that a state of
emergency exists. Effectively, a state of emergency presupposes the threat of a
specific public enemy against whom a legitimate
charismatic leader must exercise a
sovereign decision. As Bryan Turner summarizes in “Sovereignty and Emergency
Political Theology, Islam and American
Conservatism”:
Schmitt argued that the political was defined
in terms of the decisive struggle between
friend and enemy, and without such a struggle authentic values could not be
protected or sustained. More precisely, power involved a struggle between civilizations to define the content of a
vibrant ethical life…
Political life cannot survive without the
sovereignty of the state, and the sovereignty of the state is constituted by
the capacity of a leader to undertake effective decisions in a situation of
crisis. Democratic debate and deliberation can only undermine the capacity of
the leader of the Reich to act with determination and clarity of vision. 13
When Schmitt fell out of favor with the SS he travelled to Spain, Portugal, and Italy under
synarchist sponsorship, providing lectures on how to continually
legitimize the fascist governments of those nations. 14 Following his capture
in 1945 by the American forces, and after spending more than a year in an
internment camp, Schmitt refused
every attempt at denazification,
which effectively barred him from
positions in academia. Despite being isolated from the mainstream of the
academic and political community, he continued his studies, especially of
international law, from the 1950s on and received a steady stream of visitors
which included Alexandre Kojève, and
edited the American publication of
Kojève’s Introduction to a Reading of
Hegel. 15
It was due to the efforts of Kojève and
Jean Monnet that the European Union,
which was a synarchist project, took on its current form.16 Kojève (1902 –
1968) was a Russian-born French
philosopher and statesman, and nephew of abstract artist Wassily Kandinsky,
Theosophical Society member and friend to Gurdjieff collaborator Thomas de
Hartman. Kojève’s philosophical seminars
on
Hegel are believed to have “dramatically shaped the French intellectual landscape of this century.” 17 According to Barbara
Boyd, Kojève, who also would go on to
have a profound influence on the American neoconservative movement, “was not
only an ideologue of universal fascism,
but he was also a leading figure in the
most powerful fascist circles of
20th-Century France, the Synarchists.” 18 It was the French fascist
circles of Kojève that US Army, State Department, and FBI files from the World War II period
labeled “Synarchist/ Nazi-Communist.”
In 1999, Le Mondepublished an article reporting
that a French intelligence document also showed that Kojève had spied for the Soviets for over
30 years. Kojève had been a part of Operation Trust, a
Soviet counterintelligence operation which ran from 1921 to 1926. It created a
phony anti- Bolshevik underground organization, the Monarchist Union of
Central Russia (MUCR), in order to help
the Soviets identify real monarchists and anti- Bolsheviks.19The MUCR’s purpose
was not to overthrow communism, but to manipulate real anti-communist
organizations into misleading the West. The deception succeeded in neutralizing
most of the anti-Communist exile groups, and luring back into the Soviet Union leading anti-Communists such as
Sydney Reilly and Boris Savinkov, who were arrested and executed. Long after he
left Russia, Kojève continued to call
himself a communist and Stalinist.
Kojève was responsible for the serious study
of Hegel among twentieth century French philosophers who attended his seminars
on The Phenomenology of Spirit in Parisin the 1930s. Known for initiating
“existential Marxism,” Kojève achieved his reputation for what is considered an
original interpretation of reading Hegel through the lenses of Marx and
Martin Heidegger, who would become one of the most influential
philosophers of the twentieth century, and a major influence on the rise of Postmodernism. In 1936, when Josef Goebbels, on orders from Adolf Hitler, formed a committee of academics to
edit the complete works of
Nietzsche, Heidegger was placed
on the committee and prepared a series of lectures on Nietzsche’s work. Heidegger concluded that the most important
thing that he shared with Nietzsche was
the commitment to extinguish from Western civilization the last traces of what
he called “metaphysical humanism.” The
basis of Heidegger’s ideas was a
historicism, whereby centuries of philosophical thought had discussed notions
of being, failing ever to consider the notion of Being itself. Heidegger stressed the decadence of the
modern world, arguing that humanity has “fallen out of being.” Therefore,
Heidegger, like Nietzsche, proposed a deconstruction of the Western
philosophical tradition, to bare it to its sources. As John J. Reilly pointed
out, “Parallels can be found in the similarities between elements of Heidegger’s
system and that of esoteric Tradition, principally though not exclusively as
represented in the philosophy of
Heidegger’s contemporary, René Guénon.”20
To
Heidegger, life itself is ultimately “inauthentic’’ because we are all mortal,
and there is no immortality. Therefore, the highest level of authenticity is
achieved in Sein zum Tode (“being unto death’’), the recognition that Being
ends in death. Therefore, the most a people can hope to do is find
what he calls “a Hero,” who will
transcend the historicity which they inherited, and will create a more
authentic history. For Martin Heidegger,
that Hero was Adolf Hitler. Soon after
Hitler came to power, Heidegger
joined the Nazi Party in 1933, and
remained a member of the Party until it was dismantled at the end of WWII,
though the relation between his philosophy and
Nazism are still highly controversial, especially because he never seemed
to express any clear regret. During a 1935 lecture, which was published in 1953
as part of his Introduction to Metaphysics,
Heidegger refers to the “inner truth and greatness” of the Nazi movement.21 A former student Karl
Löwith, who met Heidegger in Rome in 1936,
recalled that Heidegger wore a swastika pin to their meeting, though Heidegger
knew that Löwith was Jewish. Löwith also recalled that Heidegger “left no doubt about his faith
in Hitler,” and stated that his support
for National Socialism was in agreement with the essence of his philosophy.22
In 1933, Karl Jaspers recalled that when
he criticized The Protocols of the
Elders of Zion, Heidegger responded:
“But there is a dangerous international alliance of Jews.” 23
According to
Kojève, there are four significant landmarks in the history of Western
thought: Plato and Aristotle,
Kant, Hegel and Heidegger. Some scholars even regard
Kojève’s Introduction to the Reading of
Hegelas the best commentary on
Heidegger’s Being and Time.
Kojève’s was influenced by
Heidegger’s existentialism, which followed
Nietzsche in criticizing what he regarded as an excessive tendency
towards metaphysics in Western thought. For
Heidegger, as for Nietzsche, Plato’s distinction between Being and
Becoming had the effect of radically devaluing the world of existence (Becoming),
by placing all value in an eternal world of unchanging essences (Being).
Subsequent philosophical tradition aggravated the situation by identifying Plato’s Being with the God of the Bible, and
Plato’s world of Becoming with the fallen world of man.
Kojève’s vision of a world state was developed
from his interpretation of Hegel that was based on a combination of both Marx and
Heidegger’s thought. Like
Marx, Kojève believed that man is
the moving force of history. Unlike the Right Hegelians, who identify Hegel’s Spiritwith God, Kojève follows the Left Hegelians who adhere
to the tradition of Marx’s version of
Hegelianism, which instead sees history as being shaped by man. In Alexandre Kojève: The Roots of Postmodern Politics,
historian Shadia Drury’s explanation of
Kojève’s dialectical historicism shows the undiluted inheritance of Lurianic
Kabbalah, retained by way of
Boehme and Hegel:
In contrast to the Right Hegelian interpretation, Kojève followed Feurerbach and Marx in considering God a mere projection of
man’s own idealized conception of himself. In this view, the dualism between man
and himself (projected as God) is transcended in the course of the historical
process. At the “end of history,” man recognizes God as his own creation, and
is no longer alienated from himself because he has become one with himself, or
his own idealized view of himself. So understood, history is man’s own
self-making project. This is the reason that
Kojève’s interpretation is often characterized as “ Marxist humanism.” 24
Typical to
synarchism, Kojève regards Napoleon as the model tyrant. Following Hegel,
Kojève reveres Napoleon as a secular
Christ who succeeds in establishing a
Kingdom of Heaven on earth and the “completion of history.” Kojève argues
that Hegel regarded himself and Napoleon as the “dyad” that completes the
dialectic, and that when Hegel refers to
Christ he means “ Napoleon- Hegel.”
Napoleon completes history through “bloody battle” and Hegel reveals
through his philosophy the completion that has just taken place.25
To
Kojève, the age of revolutions is over. The end of history has long been
settled, ever since Napoleon’s battle of
Jena in 1806. From that date forward, the nations around the world have shared
the same principles, hopes, and aspirations. Everything since the battle of Jena,
which is otherwise mistaken as history, has simply been a matter of resolving the
“anachronistic sequels” of Europe’s pre-Revolutionary past. Nevertheless, Kojève recognizes that there will continue to
be resistance by the “sick” who cannot recognize the new universal state as the
conclusion of nature itself. Kojève
therefore claims that the end-state or universal state will require a universal
tyrant.
For
Kojève, interpreting Hegel was not
just an academic matter. On the contrary, he considered it a work of “political
propaganda” intended to influence action and determine the shape of the future.
26 According to Drury, “Clearly he believed
that he was presiding over the
development of the final shape of the world.” 27 As Kojève told his good friend Leo Strauss, the end of history and the absolute
knowledge it affords transfigures the philosopher into a “god.” 28 Apparently Kojève used to tell his secretary that he was
a god, but she laughed and that disturbed him.29 Similarly, Kojève’s supporters tend to believe that if
the revelations of his spying for the Soviets were true, it was probably unsubstantial
and a result of his megalomaniacal personality, a pretense to be a philosopher
at the end of history influencing the
course of world events.
The
European Union began with the founding of the European Movement by Joseph Retinger, who was also one of the founding
members of the Bilderberg Group. Funded
by the CIA, the super-secret Bilderberg conferences invited the world’s top businessmen,
politicians and intelligence officials for what was dubbed “an informal network of influential people who could
consult each other privately and
confidentially.” 30 The annual
Bilderberg meetings first began in May 1954, with a group which
included George Ball, David Rockefeller, scion of the Rockefeller
oil dynasty, Dr. Joseph Retinger,
Holland’s Prince Bernhard, a former SS officer and IG Farben employee, and George
C. McGhee, then of the US State Department and later a senior executive of
Mobil Oil. 31
As
former intelligence officer Dr. John Coleman claimed, “The Bilderberger Conference is a creation
of MI6 under the direction of the Royal Institute of International Affairs.” 32
In his address at a Bilderberg
meeting, David Rockefeller summed up the
purpose of the meetings and the purported
need for their secrecy:
We are grateful to the Washington Post, the
New York Times, Time and other great
publications whose directors have attended our meetings and respected their
promises of discretionfor almost 40 years. It would have been quite impossible
for us to develop our plan for the world if we had been subjected to the lights
of publicity during those years. But, the world is more sophisticated and prepared
to march towards a world government. The supranational sovereignty of an
intellectual elite and world bankers is surely preferable to the national
autodetermination practiced in past centuries… 33
Retinger, a Polish political adviser, studied
economics in London and became acquainted with
Joseph Conrad, author of Heart of Darkness, who recruited him to MI6.34 Retinger was also a founder of the
European Movement that would lead to the
creation of the Council of Europe and
the European Union. Guided by Winston
Churchill, Averell Harriman and Paul-Henri
Spaak, the European Movement, explains Frances Stonor Saunders in Who Paid the
Piper: The CIA and the Cultural Co l d Wa r, was closely supervised by and
funded by the CIA, through a front
organization called the American Committee on United Europe whose first
Executive Secretary was CIA official Tom Braden.
In 1946,
Retinger and van Zeeland had founded the European League for Economic
Cooperation ( ELEC), dedicated to the establishment of a common market, the
precursor of the European Union. Retinger was then brought to America by Averell Harriman, then US ambassador to
England, to secure support for the
ELEC. Retinger visited David and Nelson Rockefeller, John Foster Dulles and then CIA Director
Walter Bedell Smith. The ELEC
were soon joined by president of France
Giscard d’Estaing, and Hermann Abs, a
key figure in pursuing the preservation of Nazi power after the war. Abs had joined the
board of Deutsche Bank during the rise of the
Nazis and also sat on the supervisory board of IG Farben. It was Abs who was put in charge of
allocating Marshall Aid to German industry and by 1948 was effectively managing
Germany’s economic recovery. According to historian Dr. Michael Pinto-Duschinsky,
an adviser to Jewish former slave laborers, “The continuity of the economy of
Germany and the economies of post-war Europe is striking. Some of the leading fi gures in the
Nazi economy became leading builders of the
European Union.”35
In May 1948, the Congress of Europe had gathered in The Hague,
organized by the International Committee of the Movements for European Unity,
to discuss ideas about the development of the
European Union. As a result, the European Movement was formally created
in October 1948. Retinger would later
become Honorary Secretary General of the European Movement which acted as a
platform for the co-ordination of organizations promoting a federal Europe,
including the ELEC. Other important
political figures took an active role in the congress, such as François Mitterrand and Konrad Adenauer, who had become a devout follower
of the synarchist Pan-European Union of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi. During the war, Coudenhove-Kalergi had continued his call for the unification of Europe along the Paris-London axis, activities that served as the real-life basis for fictional Resistance hero Victor Laszlo in the movie Casablanca. His appeal for the unification of Europe enjoyed support from Allen Dulles, “Wild Bill” Donovan, former head of the OSS, and Winston Churchill,
who began promoting European unity from 1930 and presided over the Congress of Europe. Churchill wrote a foreword to the Count’s
book, An Idea Conquers the World. In 1947,
Coudenhove-Kalergi had set up the European Parliamentary Union (EPU),
which played a prominent role in the
Congress of Europe at The Hague. The EPU later merged with the European
Movement and Coudenhove-Kalergi was
elected its honorary president in 1952.
In 1949,
Retinger formed the American Committee for a United Europe (ACUE) along
with future CIA Director Allen Dulles, then CFR Director George Franklin, Tom Braden, and William Donovan. “Later on” said Retinger, “whenever
we needed any assistance for the European Movement, Dulles was among those in
America who helped us most.”36 According
to Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, and
reporting from declassified American government documents, “The leaders of the European
Movement— Retinger, the visionary Robert
Schuman and the former Belgian Prime Minister Henri Spaak—were all
treated as hired hands by their American sponsors. The US role was handled as a
covert operation. ACUE’s funding came from the
Ford and Rockefeller foundations
as well as business groups with close ties to the US government.”37
The “European project” itself began in 1950
with French Foreign Minister Robert
Schuman’s announcement that France
and West Germany had agreed to co-ordinate their coal and steel
industries. Italy, Belgium, the
Netherlands and Luxembourg took up his offer to join in, leading seven
years later to the Treaty of Rome, which established the European Economic
Community ( EEC), from which the
European Union traces its origins.
Kojève, who was the eminence griseat the
French Ministry Economic Affairs, was
one of the earliest architects of the European
Union and the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT). He exerted a great deal of influence over Olivier Wormser, who played a key role
in negotiating the Treaty of Rome, and Valéry Giscard d’Estaing who became president of France in 1974, and who throughout his
political career had consistently been a proponent of greater European union.
For Kojève, the creation of the EEC gave concrete form to the Hegelian dream
of forging Europe into an example of a world state which, he thought, alone was
capable of resolving “all the contradictions of earlier stages of history” and
of satisfying “all human needs.” 38
Robert Shuman became the first president of
the European Parliament in 1958. But it was
Jean Monnet who became president of the new body, called the High
Authority and who was the primary
influence behind the movement. Monnet was at the time the most influential
businessman and economist in post-war
Europe. In 1936, Vivien Postel du Mas,
the founder of the Synarchic Empire Movement ( MSE) told his associate Maurice Girodias that, along with Coudenhove-Kalergi, Monnet
was an influential
promoter of the
synarchist agenda. Another of Ulmann and Azeau’s MSE informants described Monnet as a “true
synarch… whose membership of the movement was never in doubt for the true
initiates.” 39 In 1955, Coudenhove-Kalergi
proposed Beethoven’s Ode to Joyas the music for the European Anthem, a
suggestion that the Council of Europe
took up sixteen years later. Coudenhove-Kalergi
was very active in connection with the design of the EU logo which contains
twelve stars. The number of stars has nothing to do with the number of member
countries, but obviously for its occult significance, as represented by the twelve tribes of Israel, twelve
apostles and twelve signs of the zodiac , and so on. 40
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